scholarly journals Austro-Węgrzy i paneuropeiści. Arystokratyczni krytycy Europy wersalskiej

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 31-46
Author(s):  
Adam Wielomski
Keyword(s):  
Contemporary Literature ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Habsburg Empire ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Traditional Elite ◽  
Political Model ◽  
New Republic

Austro-Hungarians and PanEuropeans. Aristocratic Critics of Versailles Europe There are many books and articles on the nationalist and fascist critics of Europe at the Versailles Conference, whereas there are no works in contemporary literature about conservative and aristocratic critics of this political model. The purpose of this text is to present the critics of the conservative side from the point of view of the elite of the Habsburg Empire. We have three social groups that defend the old empire: the aristocratic and cosmopolitan elites of the Austrian land-holding gentry, the Hungarian nobility and the Jews. These three groups do not understand the ideas of nation, nation-state, and nationalism. After the fall of the empire in 1918, only the Hungarian aristocracy and nobility retained their political role, running the Hungarian nation-state. Austria's traditional elite is cosmopolitan and in radical opposition to the new republic. Their political, international, supranational point of view represents the Paneuropean movement. Jest wiele książek i artykułów na temat nacjonalistycznych i faszystowskich krytyków Europy podczas Konferencji w Wersalu. We współczesnej literaturze nie ma prac o konserwatywnych i arystokratycznych krytykach tego modelu politycznego. Celem tego tekstu jest przedstawienie krytyków strony konserwatywnej z punktu widzenia elit imperium Habsburgów. Mamy trzy grupy społeczne, które bronią starego imperium: arystokratyczne i kosmopolityczne elity austriackiej szlachty ziemskiej, węgierskiej szlachty i Żydów. Te trzy grupy nie rozumieją idei narodu, państw narodowych i nacjonalizmu. Po upadku imperium w 1918 r. tylko węgierska arystokracja i szlachta zachowują swoją rolę polityczną, kierując węgierskim państwem narodowym. Austriackie tradycyjne elity są kosmopolityczne i pozostają w radykalnej opozycji do nowej republiki. Ich polityczny międzynarodowy, ponadnarodowy punkt widzenia reprezentuje ruch paneurepański.

La citoyenneté et la construction de l'Europe : discussions théoriques

Res Publica ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 36 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 361-380
Author(s):  
Paul Magnette
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
World War ◽  
Dual Nature ◽  
European Citizenship ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
Second World

This paper examines the evolving ideological content of the concept of citizenship and particularly the challenges it faces as a consequence of the building of the European Union. From an epistemological point of view it is first argued that citizenship may be described as a dual concept: it is both a legal institution composed of the rights of the citizen as they are fixed at a certain moment of its history, and a normative ideal which embodies their political aspirations. As a result of this dual nature, citizenship is an essentially dynamicnotion, which is permanently evolving between a state of balance and change.  The history of this concept in contemporary political thought shows that, from the end of the second World War it had raised a synthesis of democratic, liberal and socialist values on the one hand, and that it was historically and logically bound to the Nation-State on the other hand. This double synthesis now seems to be contested, as the themes of the "crisis of the Nation State" and"crisis of the Welfare state" do indicate. The last part of this paper grapples with recent theoretical proposals of new forms of european citizenship, and argues that the concept of citizenship could be renovated and take its challenges into consideration by insisting on the duties and the procedures it contains.

Inclusion and exclusion—We and the Other. Response to Vamik Volkan’s Key-note Lecture

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Mies
Keyword(s):  
Point Of View ◽  
The Other ◽  
Western World ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
Collective Identities ◽  
Specific Group ◽  
Norbert Elias ◽  
German Nation ◽  
History Of

This response is focused on the following question: What may be the specific group analytic point of view on phenomena as the resurgence of nationalism in the western world, the so-called refugee crisis and the confrontation with Islamism and Islamist terror? The guideline of this response will be the idea of the ‘group of individuals’, which Norbert Elias characterized as his main contribution to group analytic theory. The response will emphasize the significance of the Other for the formation of personal and collective identities. It will argue that we face the Other, not only outside our own group, but also inside, and that xenophobia goes hand in hand with the denial of real differences and conflicts inside one’s own group. Finally, the history of the German nation-state is discussed as an exemplary case.

The New Knight: The French Far Right’s View of the Middle Ages

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-49
Author(s):  
Stéphane François
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Middle Ages ◽  
National Socialism ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Political Model ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Modern Nation State ◽  
The Middle Ages

The far right has always taken an interest in the Middle Ages. For the French revolutionary far right, which shares an ideological matrix influenced by Julius Evola, fascination with the Middle Ages revolves around the image of the Holy Germanic Roman Empire as a political model for Europe opposed to the modern nation-state. The romantic image of the medieval knight also offers a watered-down way to celebrate and legitimize violence without having to allude to a taboo National Socialism. This obsession with the Middle Ages contrasts with the reality that these revolutionary far-right movements were rather pro-Arab during the Cold War decades. This shift reveals the transformation of their thinking and the new dominance of the Identitarian notion of ethnic withdrawal, with the knight as the symbol of a pure racial warrior defending his society against Muslim invasion.

15. Regions

2020 ◽  
pp. 267-280
Author(s):  
James Bickerton ◽  
Alain-G. Gagnon
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Human Agency ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Cultural Space ◽  
Economic Role ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Different Types

This chapter explores the concept of region, defined as a territorial entity distinct from both locality and nation-state. The region constitutes an economic, political, administrative, and/or cultural space, within which different types of human agency interact, and towards which individuals and communities may develop attachments and identities. Regionalism is the manifestation of values, attitudes, opinions, preferences, claims, behaviours, interests, attachments, and identities that can be associated with a particular region. The chapter first reviews the main theories and approaches that are used to understand the political role and importance of regions, including the modernization paradigm, Marxism, and institutionalism. It then considers the various dimensions and aspects of regions and regionalism, with particular emphasis on regionalism from below versus regionalization ‘from above’. It also examines the political economy of regions, tracing the changing economic role and place of regions within the national and global economy.

The Ultimate Value of Technology

2006 ◽  
pp. 158-179
Author(s):  
Robert A. Schultz
Keyword(s):  
Information Technology ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Value Of Information ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Human Group ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
Human Attributes

In the previous chapter, we saw how difficult it was to determine the value of information technology, even with a clearly defined point of view from which to assess that value, namely, the interests of the organization utilizing the technology. Over and above the point of view of the organization or even the economy as an aggregate of organizations, there are other perspectives to consider. Is it correct to view technology as another enabling value like health and wealth, an all-purpose means that enables us to achieve any number of our ends?1 Or should technology rather be viewed as an entirely different way of structuring reality? These questions raise broader issues that need to be considered from much wider points of view: What is the value of information technology for humanity as a whole? And finally, what is the value of information technology for being as a whole? In considering these questions, we need also to consider whether the value of information technology is best assessed as a part of technology generally, or whether information technology has its own characteristics relevant for assessing its value. I will examine issues concerning technology as a whole in this chapter, and return to the IT-specific issues in the next chapter. Beyond considering technology and information technology from the point of view of humanity as a whole, it may be necessary to consider technology and information technology from the point of view of being as a whole. One could think of the point of view of being as a whole as God’s point of view, except that many religious conceptions of God assign many different human attributes to God. And so to determine what is valuable from God’s point of view would embroil us in major religious disputes about God’s nature. Trying to take the point of view of being avoids such disputes. Rather, we are asking, what is the value of technology from the point of view of the unfolding or revealing of whatever is, has been, or will come to be?2 Even the point of view of humanity is itself very difficult for many people to embrace. Instead, their highest point of view is that of some limited human group, most typically national or social groups, ethnic groups, or economic groups or organizations. Yet even with these difficulties, it is easier to discuss the value of technology and information technology from the point of view of humanity as a whole than it is to discuss these questions from the point of view of being. So we will start with the point of view of humanity.

Karl Haushofer as a “Pioneer” of National Socialist Cultural Diplomacy in Fascist Italy

2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (03) ◽  
pp. 424-449
Author(s):  
Nicola Bassoni
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Cultural Diplomacy ◽  
Global Dimension ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Model

AbstractThe relevant historiography has largely overlooked the role of Karl Haushofer as a cultural-political actor in National Socialist-Fascist relations. From 1924 to 1944, the German geopolitician dealt extensively with Italy, with an eye to both its geopolitical role in Europe and to the political system of Benito Mussolini's regime. On behalf of Rudolf Hess, he began visiting Italy during the 1930s, aiming to overcome ideological and political misunderstandings between Rome and Berlin. He established a network of contacts with Italian scholars and politicians, passed information back to the so-called deputy Führer, and attempted to influence official German policy toward Italy. He eventually promoted the development of an Italian geopolitics, and, in so doing, achieved one of the most significant cultural-political transfers from National Socialist Germany to fascist Italy. This article analyzes the contacts between Haushofer and Italy, both his political activities and his geopolitical theories. It is a case study of a history of contradictions: a man committed to Pan-Germanist culture and to the defense of German minorities abroad, Haushofer also attempted to improve relations between Berlin and Rome. Moreover, he considered the Axis from a geopolitical point of view—as a realization of the European imperial idea—and from a trilateral perspective, i.e., he viewed Japan not only as an ally, but also as a cultural and political model. The reconstruction of Haushofer's relations with Italy is, therefore, an opportunity to rethink the antinomies, as well as the global dimension, of the National Socialist-Fascist alliance.

Chapter 5. Social Organization

1974 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 50-70
Author(s):  
B. J. Williams
Keyword(s):  
Capital Punishment ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Major Effect ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Government Power ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Caste Structure ◽  
Commensal Relationship

The Birhor constitute a society which is easily distinguished and studied apart from the dominant Indian social groups surrounding them. But they by no means constitute a politically autonomous society. The ultimate characteristics of political autonomy such as capital punishment, the waging of war, and so forth, do not arise as a possibility for the Birhor. Actual contact with the larger society in the form of government power is infrequent, inconsistent, and understood very little by the Birhor. A more important relation with the larger, agricultural Hindu and Muslim society is the traditional caste structure in which the Birhor, regardless of their own opinions, are defined as a very low caste group and are so treated by villagers.The major effect of this caste-like treatment, from the point of view of this study, has been to retard change in the Birhor way of life by denying them land and preserving their traditional relationship to the agricultural villages. This relationship might best be described as a parabiotic or commensal relationship. The most important aspects of this commensal relationship are lack of political autonomy of the Birhor and the importance, to them, of trade with villagers. On the other hand, the life of the villager would be little affected by the presence or absence of the Birhor. The economic aspects of trade between Birhor and villager are described in Chapter 7.

scholarly journals African Nightclubs of Lisbon and Madrid as Spaces of Cultural Resistance

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 264-275
Author(s):  
Livia Jiménez Sedano
Keyword(s):  
Sense Of Community ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Symbolic Violence ◽  
Symbolic Power ◽  
Cultural Resistance ◽  
Late Modernity ◽  
Dance Floor ◽  
Research Participants ◽  
Structural Inequalities

Abstract The main objective of this article involves describing how African nightclubs of Lisbon have become spaces for cultural resistance against certain representations of African-ness, taking Madrid as a contrasting case. Since the 1970s, the so-called African nightclubs of Lisbon have constituted spaces for gathering and nurturing a sense of community for immigrants from Portuguese-speaking Africa. Commonly regarded suspiciously by most Portuguese citizens, commodification of the couple dance labelled kizomba during the 1990s helped changed their status. However, most African research participants do not recognise their beloved dance in the commodified version of kizomba. In this context, I analyse the commodification process as a form of symbolic violence that disguises postcolonial structural inequalities and unsolved conflicts through a discourse of neutral “approaching of cultures” on the dance floor. Moreover, from the point of view of a meritocratic symbolism, this discourse portrays the performances displayed at African discos as “basic” and unworthy. After exploring several ways of resistance to commodified kizomba displayed by African discos clientele, I conclude reflecting on the increasing symbolic power of global industries for naming social groups, structuring practices and exercising symbolic violence in late modernity.

Niemcy w Warszawie po raz pierwszy. Nowsze opracowania na temat niemieckiej okupacji 1915–1918

2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (1 (464)) ◽  
pp. 129-140
Author(s):  
Maciej Górny
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
World War ◽  
Proper Place ◽  
The Many ◽  
Almost All ◽  
The Great War

The article describes the newer works devoted to the occupation of Polish lands, especially of Warsaw during World War I. Recently, this subject, so far neglected, has drown the attention of numerous scientists, both from Poland and from abroad. Their point of view is different not only from the older perspectives, but also from the perspectives of slightly newer works on the other occupied areas and emphasizing the connection between the experience of the Great War and genocide during World War II. In the most precious fragments, the new historiography gives a very wide image of social life, in which the proper place is taken by previously marginalised social groups. Differently from the older works, the policy of the occupants on the Polish lands is not treated only as a unilateral dictate, but rather as a dynamic process of negotiation, in which the strength and position of each of the (many) sides has been changed. And, this change is accompanied by the new arrangements concerning almost all aspects of the German policy and the conditions of living during World War I.

The Twilight of Certitudes: Secularism, Hindu Nationalism, and other Masks of Deculturation

1997 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashis Nandy
Keyword(s):  
South Asia ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Religious Violence ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Hindu Nationalism ◽  
Extreme Form ◽  
Communal Violence ◽  
Democratic Polity ◽  
National Ideology ◽  
Ways Of Life

What follows is basically a series of propositions. It is not meant for academics grappling with the issue of ethnic and religious violence as a cognitive puzzle but for concerned intellectuals and grassroots activists trying, in the language of Gustavo Esteva, to “regenerate people's space.” The aim of the article is threefold: (1) To systematize some available insights into the problem of ethnic and communal violence in South Asia, particularly India, from the point of view of those who do not see communalism and secularism as sworn enemies but as the disowned doubles of each other; (2) To acknowledge, as part of the same exercise, that Hindu nationalism, like other such ethnonationalisms, is not an “extreme” form of Hinduism but a modernist creed that seeks to retool Hinduism, on behalf of the global nation-state system, into a national ideology and the Hindus into a “proper” nationality; (3) To hint at an approach to religious tolerance in a democratic polity that is not dismissive toward the ways of life, idioms, and modes of informal social and political analyses of the citizens, even when they happen to be unacquainted with—or inhospitable to—the ideology of secularism.

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