scholarly journals INTEGRATION CHALLENGES OF MEDIA POLICY IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 77-86
Author(s):  
Mirza Mehmedović
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Communication Systems ◽  
Structural Changes ◽  
Annual Reports ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Media System ◽  
Public Media ◽  
National Media ◽  
The Media

In the process of political transition of the Western Balkan countries, the non-EU countries in particular, the reform of communication systems occupies one of the primary places within the implementation of economic, cultural, political and integration processes of each country. Communication research that seeks to define the dilemmas of the current communication situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a determining framework of the media system, includes many socio-political factors conditioned by structural changes within the society of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the last 25 years. The complete cultural and political deconstruction of the Bosnian society at the end of the twentieth and the beginning of the twenty-first century destabilized the internal organization of the political, cultural and economic system, especially in the domain of public communication and organization of the media subsystem. Apart from the numerous current challenges, the development of a unified media policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the establishment of a public media system in accordance with the requirements of the European Union and the interests of all citizens, are among the key issues that state institutions are facing at the moment. This paper primarily deals with the analysis of the European Commission’s annual reports on Bosnia and Herzegovina’s progress in the process of implementing reforms in the media policy sector and based on these annual reports it suggests the key factors for future national media policy definition. The goal is to establish a national media policy and reform the communication system in a broader context as a political, cultural and economic issue, i.e., as an institutionally agreed path for political compromise, integration of society and definition of collective identities.

scholarly journals The Winding Road on the Media Landscape

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (11) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Andres Jõesaar
Keyword(s):  
Public Service ◽  
Large Range ◽  
Annual Reports ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
Communist Country ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Media Companies ◽  
Media System ◽  
Media Services ◽  
The Media

This article aims to explore the ways in which Estonian broadcasting (with a focus on television) tackled the challenges of transforming from a monopolistic party propaganda machine into a modern dual media system in which public service broadcasting and newly created private enterprises coexist; and how this process evolved in a small post-communist country. This article argues that the Estonian government’s ‘idealisation’ of market forces supported by the European Union media policy, which is driven by common market ideology, did not take into account the market’s limitations and media companies’ actual capability to provide a large range of media services. The research methodology is based on an analysis of EU media policy documents, Estonian media legislation, the protocols of the Cultural Affairs Committee of the Parliament of Estonia, protocols of the broadcasters’ licensing committee at the Ministry of Culture and the broadcasters’ annual reports from the period 1992 - 2015. The article analyses the key trends in Estonian media development and policymaking during the last 25 years.

Euroatlanske integracije i savremeni izazovi razvojne politike javnog komuniciranja u Bosni i Hercegovini

2017 ◽  
pp. 33-50
Author(s):  
Mirza Mehmedović
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Information Needs ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
Specific Information ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Many

In the middle of the second decade of the twenty-first century, Bosnia and Herzegovina is at the crossroads of political, economic and cultural revitalization of the society as a country that declarative aims for application of European principles of political organization and the membership in the European Union. On this way there are many open issues that are the result of twenty years of political and economic stagnation or collapse of all elements that should be the foundation for the stabilization of a modern democratic society in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The internal reconstruction of the political system and the revitalisation of the institutions of the government or different holders of political reforms means at the same time the fulfilment of the conditions of accession to Euro-Atlantic integration. The development of a unified media policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the establishment of public media service in accordance with the requirements of the European Union and the interests of all citizens are the top issues among the many current challenges that we have to deal with in the future. But for Bosnia and Herzegovina it is not exclusively the interest of communicational research. It must be necessarily seen in the wider context as a political, cultural and economic issue, because the establishment of a single media/communication system is one of the key requirements for a political compromise, the integration of society and the harmonization of other common (primarily economic) interests for all citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. One of the key requirements for defining a unified media policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina is agreeing / reconciliation of all complex (heterogeneous) cultural characteristics, as well as the specific characteristics of modern communication situation in a model that would respond to the specific information needs of citizens and the standards applied by the European Union.

The State and Media Financing: Bulgaria and the Mediterranean Media Model

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivo Indjov ◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
The State ◽  
State Funding ◽  
Communist Country ◽  
Media System ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
The Government

The study examines the applicability of the comparative framework of Hallin and Mancini (2004) with their three models of media‒politics relations (Mediterranean or Polarized Pluralist Model, North/ Central European or Democratic Corporatist Model, and North Atlantic or Liberal Model) to a post-communist country like Bulgaria. The answer to this question is sought through a study of the role of the state in relation to the media system, particularly the state funding of media in its various forms. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the Bulgarian media system is most similar to the Mediterranean Model due to the power of еtatism (the state finances public media, and the government buys media love through state and municipal advertising). At the same time, ineffective media regulation favors media concentration and the instrumentalization of large government media groups. The processes of rapid liberalization, privatization and deregulation in the media sector after 1989 brought Bulgaria closer to the countries included in the Liberal Model. Therefore, its media system is hybrid to some extent, but the similarities with the Mediterranean Model remain in the lead. The clientelism through which they are tamed, resp. corrupt the media, brings Bulgaria closer to the Latin American countries where it is much stronger than in the Mediterranean region (Hallin, Papathanassopoulos 2002). The concluding part predicts that, in the future, the analysis of the Bulgarian media system can be enhanced with a study of the applicability of the concepts of the “captured liberal model” of the media (in Latin America) and the “captured media” in the post-communist world.

The return of public media policy in New Zealand: New hope or lost cause?

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter A. Thompson
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Digital Media ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
Media Ecology ◽  
Public Broadcasting ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
Significant Shift ◽  
Local Content ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Media

The formation of a new coalition government in New Zealand in the wake of the 2017 election ended three terms of National-led governments and raised the prospect of a significant shift in media policy. National had insisted that in the digital media ecology, the funding of public broadcasting institutions was no longer a priority and that platform-neutral contestable funding of local content would ensure the quality and diversity of content. This saw the demise of the TVNZ Charter and its two commercial-free channels (TVNZ 6 and 7), while both Radio New Zealand (RNZ) and the local content funding agency, NZ On Air, had their funding frozen. The 2017 election of the Labour-NZ First-Green government came with the promise of an additional investment of NZ$38m in public media, the expansion of RNZ’s remit to include a commercial-free television channel, and the establishment of an independent commission to assess funding needs for public media. However, the media ecology Labour now faces entails new policy complexities. Deregulation, financialization and convergence have not only intensified commercial pressures on the media, they have led to important shifts in the ways audiences discover and engage with media content. In turn, this complicates the traditional models of state intervention intended to deliver public service outcomes. Adopting a critical institutionalist framework this article will highlight key shifts in media policy trajectory since 1999 and highlight some key differences between the public broadcasting initiatives of 1999–2008 and the approach thus far of the incoming government. The article analyses how competing intra-party and inter-ministerial priorities have circumscribed the media policy options available and thereby highlight the way political–economic interests in the media ecology manifest in public policy.

The Media Rituals: The Relationship between Media and Religion

2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hassan Khojastea ◽  
Abdolhosein Kalantarib
Keyword(s):  
Philosophical Approach ◽  
Sociological Approach ◽  
Religious Media ◽  
Modern Media ◽  
Public Media ◽  
National Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract What is the relationship between religion and modern media? Are the media in essence anti-religion and a means to remove religion? Or are they a neutral means that can also be in the service of religion? Such questions fall under the category of the relationship between religion, modernization, and the nature of modernization, about which there can be found a rich literature in Iran. As far as the relationship between religion and modernization is concerned, two related approaches can be followed: 1) an historical-sociological approach and 2) a philosophical approach. Under the influence of either approach one would face a spectrum of opinions which, on the one hand, lead to “technological dogmatism” and, on the other, lead to “instrumentalization”. To decide which of these opinions to accept depends upon our historical situation (our destiny) and our definition of dichotomous sides (religion and media), as well as on our historical-sociological and philosophical reasoning in this matter. This article deals with these points. Since the national media attempts to act upon the implications expected by modern media within the framework of moral criteria and religious recommendation, then we will turn to this fundamental question: How can religious matters be addressed in the public media, so as to be able to involve a passive audience that is supposedly not the addressee of the message, and turn him or her into an active audience? In this regard, taken from the media experiences both in Iran and around the world, first the characteristics of “religious media” will be offered. Then a pattern for media rituals will be introduced and experimentally (as a case study) studied through some examples in Iranian society, and next the need for a more exact planning will be tapped. Finally the necessary conditions to develop such rituals in the national media will be dealt with.

scholarly journals Contesting Symbolic Space: The Struggle over the Employment Contracts Act 1991

1970 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane Scott
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Structural Changes ◽  
Employment Contracts ◽  
Role Of Government ◽  
The Public ◽  
Symbolic Space ◽  
Media System ◽  
Major Shift ◽  
The Media

This article is based on research concerning the relationship between the neo-liberal project in New Zealand and the mass media since 1984. New Zealand has undoubtedly experienced a major shift in public policy orientation in correspondence with structural changes in the political economy. The assumed role of government under social democratic Keynesianism was questioned and restructuring of the state became central to the neo-liberal project. The resultant policies reorganised economic, political and social priorities were rapidly implemented and had a detrimental impact upon various sectors of society. Consequently, such policies had to be rationalised and strategically promoted in order to marginalise opposition and allay public scepticism. As neo-liberalism was being transmitted to the public, New Zealand's media system was undergoing changes in terms of the surrounding economic environment and media-government relationships. Such circumstances enabled both the fourth Labour Government and the succeeding National administration to routinely communicate their messages. This claim required illustration. To this end I undertook research on the debate conducted in and through the media over the introduction of the Employment Contracts Act (1991).

scholarly journals Zmiany w polityce medialnej Węgier i Polski

2021 ◽  
pp. 83-101
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Konarska
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
Common Elements ◽  
Public Media ◽  
Media Markets ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

Changes in the media policy of Hungary and Poland Changes in media policy in Poland in 2015–2020 suggest a correlation with the changes initiated in Hungary in 2010, when Viktor Orbán and his party Fidesz took power. The aim of the article is to present and make a comparative analysis of the changes introduced in the media policy of both countries. The list of regulations and actions of the government elites, consisting in interfering with media markets and the activities of public media, shows many similarities and common elements of media policy.

Alternative Standpoints on Poverty in Spain: A Question of Definition and Measure

2017 ◽  
pp. 1-4
Author(s):  
Iñaki Per ◽  
Pinar Köksel
Keyword(s):  
Poverty Reduction ◽  
Structural Changes ◽  
Economic Recession ◽  
University Education ◽  
Good Time ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Social Phenomena ◽  
Considerable Impact ◽  
The Media ◽  
Recent Financial Crisis

In 2010 the European Union (EU) presented the Europe 2020 Strategy, a set of measures aiming to deal with the adverse effects of the recent financial crisis and to strengthen the economies of the Eurozone. One of the stated priority objectives was the need to reduce by twenty million the number of people at risk of poverty and exclusion in the EU as a whole. In the case of Spain, this goal meant reducing the number of people living in poverty by 1.4 million between 2010 and 2020. To what extent are the poverty reduction goals set for Spain by 2020 now being met? This is the question we wish to answer in this issue of Perspectives Demogràfiques. Since we have recently passed the halfway point of the stipulated period, this would seem to be a good time to make a provisional appraisal of the progress made so far in order to analyse the prospects for success in the coming years. To this effect, we shall begin with a brief overview of the virtues and defects of the official measures presently being used to quantify poverty and then we shall propose an alternative. Although the new measure is as arbitrary as those already existing, it has the virtue of offering a complementary and, perhaps, more realistic perspective on the worrying processes of social exclusion which have recently been developing in Spain. The ways in which we define and measure social phenomena are supremely important, not only when attempting to portray and understand the world around us but, in particular, when seeking to modify or remedy it. In this regard, poverty is a paradigmatic example with a considerable impact on society and presence in the media after the onset of the cycle of economic recession in 2008. How has it evolved in recent years? Which sectors are most seriously affected? What might we expect in the future? If we take a different perspective from that of some unduly reassuring official measures which do not seem to take into account the major structural changes which are occurring in the Spanish economy, there are reasons for pessimism: children, foreigners and people without university education are among the sectors most affected by the ebb and flow of the present economic situation.

scholarly journals Who Drives the Agenda: Media or Parties? A Seven-Country Comparison in the Run-Up to the 2014 European Parliament Elections

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-26
Author(s):  
A. Severin Jansen ◽  
Beatrice Eugster ◽  
Michaela Maier ◽  
Silke Adam
Keyword(s):  
European Parliament ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Issue Salience ◽  
Party Polarization ◽  
Media System ◽  
Main Driver ◽  
The Media ◽  
Party Press ◽  
Run Up ◽  
Cross National

In this paper, we examine who drives attention to the European Union (EU) in member nations—the media or the parties—and how cross-national variations in these media-party interactions can be explained by focusing on issue salience in campaign communications, party polarization, and media system characteristics. To answer these questions, we rely on a quantitative content analysis of newspaper articles and party press releases in seven countries (Austria, France, Germany, Greece, the Netherlands, Portugal, and the United Kingdom) during the twelve weeks prior to the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election. Our results from a daily-level vector autoregression (VAR) analysis show that parties are the main driver. However, our findings also indicate that single approaches in comparative research, namely, issue salience, party polarization, and media characteristics, cannot fully explain cross-national variations, which stem from combinations of different determinants, such as low (high) EU issue salience interacting with high (low) party polarization.

The (un)celebrated asylum centre: How Danish media hijacked an ethnographic fieldwork and altered local realities

Ethnography ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 146613812110385
Author(s):  
Birgitte Romme Larsen
Keyword(s):  
Local Community ◽  
Ethnographic Study ◽  
After School ◽  
Daycare Centre ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
National Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
School Club

Denmark’s oldest asylum centre has been in operation in the small town of Jelling since 1993. Here, over time, the institutions of the local community and the asylum centre have merged, spatially and socially. Today, a local daycare centre and the local after-school club operate on the premises of the asylum centre. Based on an ethnographic study of the everyday institutional neighbourliness between ‘asylum centre’ and ‘local community’ in this small Danish town, this tale from the field pertains to the overwhelming national media attention that hit the research case halfway through its term – and unpacks how public media collaboration came to alter the very local state of affairs that I was in the middle of studying. It is argued how, more than simply dissemination partners or collaborators, ‘the media’ instead turned into actual co-creators of the ethnographic field – and so of the concrete empirical findings and analyses.

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