Alternative Standpoints on Poverty in Spain: A Question of Definition and Measure

2017 ◽  
pp. 1-4
Author(s):  
Iñaki Per ◽  
Pinar Köksel

In 2010 the European Union (EU) presented the Europe 2020 Strategy, a set of measures aiming to deal with the adverse effects of the recent financial crisis and to strengthen the economies of the Eurozone. One of the stated priority objectives was the need to reduce by twenty million the number of people at risk of poverty and exclusion in the EU as a whole. In the case of Spain, this goal meant reducing the number of people living in poverty by 1.4 million between 2010 and 2020. To what extent are the poverty reduction goals set for Spain by 2020 now being met? This is the question we wish to answer in this issue of Perspectives Demogràfiques. Since we have recently passed the halfway point of the stipulated period, this would seem to be a good time to make a provisional appraisal of the progress made so far in order to analyse the prospects for success in the coming years. To this effect, we shall begin with a brief overview of the virtues and defects of the official measures presently being used to quantify poverty and then we shall propose an alternative. Although the new measure is as arbitrary as those already existing, it has the virtue of offering a complementary and, perhaps, more realistic perspective on the worrying processes of social exclusion which have recently been developing in Spain. The ways in which we define and measure social phenomena are supremely important, not only when attempting to portray and understand the world around us but, in particular, when seeking to modify or remedy it. In this regard, poverty is a paradigmatic example with a considerable impact on society and presence in the media after the onset of the cycle of economic recession in 2008. How has it evolved in recent years? Which sectors are most seriously affected? What might we expect in the future? If we take a different perspective from that of some unduly reassuring official measures which do not seem to take into account the major structural changes which are occurring in the Spanish economy, there are reasons for pessimism: children, foreigners and people without university education are among the sectors most affected by the ebb and flow of the present economic situation.

Author(s):  
Sylwia Kurszewska ◽  
Andrzej Stępniak

The fifth enlargement in 2004, from 15 to 25 countries, was the biggest in the Union’s history. The European Union currently consists of 28 Member States. One of them started the process of exit from the EU and is due to leave the EU at the end of March 2019. Free movement of workers is one of the reason. Time when 10 countries will celebrate the fifteenth anniversary of their accession to the UE and one country leave it after 46 years, may be a good time for confrontation with the media message about this topic and diligent research on the short-term and long-term effects of labour migration. There are different views on the free movement of people from the EU. Europeans generally see this freedom as one of the most positive results of the EU, however there are countries with more positive results of labor migration and some where it is seen rather like a problem than an opportunity. Hungarians and Poles – depended on their resourcefulness, ingenuity and spirit of enterprise – benefit from being a part of developed single market. Experiences of both countries are different due to many factors. The same with the UK and other UE member states. However, the EU has now faced a serious problem of the immigration from outside Europe. Opinions of members states are highly divided about this topic.


Author(s):  
Jesus Canas ◽  
Roberto Coronado ◽  
Robert W. Gilmer

Mexicos maquiladora industry is currently the focus of much attention in the media, in corporate boardrooms, and among Mexican government officials. After watching the maquiladora industry sustain its biggest ever employment decline in recent years, many observers now question the industrys future in Mexico. The 2001 U.S. economic recession took a heavy toll on Mexicos maquiladora industry, although the size of the industrys contraction during the recent recessionalmost 260,000 jobssuggests there are more factors at work than the mild business cycle. The advantages of operating plants in Mexico, such as low wages and tax incentives, are now offered by a number of developing countries. At the same time, location has become less important for many products, as innovations in transportation and technology lower shipping costs. This paper attempts to estimate how much of the current maquiladora downturn is due to the business cycle and how much is due to structural changes. We use the Branson-Love methodology to estimate structural and cyclical impacts on the maquiladora employment downturn. Results suggest that the 2001 U.S. recession and rising real wages in Mexico account for much of the maquiladora downturn. Historically, these are the two most important factors during maquiladora growth, but new factors such as Chinas membership in the World Trade Organization, the Caribbean initiative and implementation of NAFTA Article 303 have changed corporate options for plant location or affected the cost structure in Mexico. Although our statistical results strongly suggest a recovery in maquiladora employment, potentially important qualifications are discussed as well.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 77-86
Author(s):  
Mirza Mehmedović

In the process of political transition of the Western Balkan countries, the non-EU countries in particular, the reform of communication systems occupies one of the primary places within the implementation of economic, cultural, political and integration processes of each country. Communication research that seeks to define the dilemmas of the current communication situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a determining framework of the media system, includes many socio-political factors conditioned by structural changes within the society of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the last 25 years. The complete cultural and political deconstruction of the Bosnian society at the end of the twentieth and the beginning of the twenty-first century destabilized the internal organization of the political, cultural and economic system, especially in the domain of public communication and organization of the media subsystem. Apart from the numerous current challenges, the development of a unified media policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the establishment of a public media system in accordance with the requirements of the European Union and the interests of all citizens, are among the key issues that state institutions are facing at the moment. This paper primarily deals with the analysis of the European Commission’s annual reports on Bosnia and Herzegovina’s progress in the process of implementing reforms in the media policy sector and based on these annual reports it suggests the key factors for future national media policy definition. The goal is to establish a national media policy and reform the communication system in a broader context as a political, cultural and economic issue, i.e., as an institutionally agreed path for political compromise, integration of society and definition of collective identities.


Author(s):  
Elda Brogi

Media pluralism is an essential feature and pillar of contemporary democracies. It is a corollary of the right to freedom of expression, as guaranteed by European national constitutions, as well as by the Convention for the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms (art. 10) and by the Charter of fundamental rights of the European Union (art. 11). Ensuring a plural media environment is a precondition for democracy and may be seen as a policy goal. The availability and accessibility of diverse information and views create the conditions for citizens to form and express their opinions and participate in the democratic debate in an informed way. Due to technological developments and the rapid rise of digital platforms intermediating online content, the concept of media pluralism has been reinterpreted at both academic and policy level, taking into account the recent structural changes in the media sector. The Media pluralism monitor is a methodology to assess the risks to media pluralism, based on a set of 20 indicators covering a broad definition of media pluralism and, therefore, having a holistic perspective. The recent implementations of the tool have taken into account in particular the risks stemming from the online environment while maintaining a holistic approach to conceptualizing standards and benchmarks for the indicators.


2017 ◽  
pp. 114-127
Author(s):  
M. Klinova ◽  
E. Sidorova

The article deals with economic sanctions and their impact on the state and prospects of the neighboring partner economies - the European Union (EU) and Russia. It provides comparisons of current data with that of the year 2013 (before sanctions) to demonstrate the impact of sanctions on both sides. Despite the fact that Russia remains the EU’s key partner, it came out of the first three partners of the EU. The current economic recession is caused by different reasons, not only by sanctions. Both the EU and Russia have internal problems, which the sanctions confrontation only exacerbates. The article emphasizes the need for a speedy restoration of cooperation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (9) ◽  
pp. 924-939
Author(s):  
V. A. Tsvetkov ◽  
K. Kh. Zoidov ◽  
K. S. Yankauskas ◽  
Sh. Kobil

The presented study comparatively analyzes indicators of the level of poverty and social inequality in Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, and the European Union (EU) as a criterion of national economic security.Aim. The study aims to examine existing approaches to determining the level of poverty and its dynamics and to consider suggestions for improving this methodology.Tasks. The authors examine and comparatively analyze approaches and methods for determining the level of poverty and its dynamics in the European Union and the CIS countries that are not members of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU).Methods. This study uses the methods of systems analysis, evolutionary-institutional theory, and historical approach.Results. Determining the level of poverty based on the number of citizens with incomes below the subsistence level can lead to misrepresentation of the actual state of this phenomenon. Calculation of poverty indicators based on consumer spending provides more accurate data on the level of poverty in a country where a significant share of the population’s income is generated by remittances from individuals living abroad, which are not reflected in official income statistics. A comparative analysis of poverty dynamics shows that in 2013 the level of poverty in all four examined countries decreased compared to 2006. Poverty dynamics in Russia and Belarus is more synchronized than in Ukraine and Moldova. A common methodology for calculating the level of poverty in all EU countries makes it possible to conduct a more thorough comparative analysis of poverty dynamics and to formulate more accurate recommendations in the field of anti-poverty policies. Based on the identified poverty dynamics in the EU and Russia, it is highly possible that strategic objectives on poverty reduction in the European Union and Russia will not be completed.Conclusions. To exclude the possibility of interested authorities influencing the dynamics of the poverty indicator by changing its threshold values depending on the current economic or political situation, it is necessary to switch to comprehensive assessment of this indicator in Russia. For comparative cross-country data analysis, it is advisable to consider the possibility of creating a Eurasian Statistics Service within the EAEU that would collect statistics and standardize statistical methods among the EAEU member states.


At a time when Europe is in the grip of a new crisis, it is especially useful to look back at the experiences of the European welfare states’ constitutions during the most recent financial crisis. This book provides unique insights by analysing social protection reforms undertaken in nine European countries, from both a social law and a constitutional law perspective. It highlights the mixture of short-term cuts in benefits and of structural changes in social protection schemes. The crisis might have helped to further the partial and temporary implementation of reforms, but it certainly cannot spare us from the debates and political compromises that are unavoidable in order to reform social protection thoughtfully and thoroughly. Moreover, the book records the outcome of relevant constitutional review proceedings and thereby demonstrates that, even if corrections remained restricted to relatively few cases, social rights matter. The financial crisis advanced their protection one step further, but left many questions open. One lesson is of paramount importance, also for helping us overcome the current pandemic crisis: we need a substantial and commonly accepted agreement in the Europe Union on how to balance the economy and social protection in the future.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (9) ◽  
pp. 4771
Author(s):  
Josef Slaboch ◽  
Pavlína Hálová ◽  
Adriana Laputková

This paper discusses the topical issue which examines the development of CO2 emissions in individual countries of the European Union (EU28) for the period between 2000 and 2017. Carbon footprint is monitored in four basic economic sectors of the EU28 countries—energy, other industries, agriculture, and waste management. The purpose of this paper is to conduct a structural analysis of the percentage contribution of individual sectors while determining the average conversion of emissions in tonnes per capita for individual countries, subsequently identifying the tendencies in the development of the detected rates. A cluster analysis for the EU28 that demonstrate similar carbon footprint values in the examined economic areas is conducted for the findings. The partial aim of the paper is to perform a comparison of the monitored countries and detect whether the differences between those striving for decarbonisation are diminishing. The energy industry is the most significant contributor to emission levels. The index analysis indicates that the level of emissions throughout the EU28 in all the monitored sectors has decreased, predominantly in waste management (by 40%,) which is followed by industry (17%), energy (by 16.2%), and agriculture (by 5%). The cluster analysis conducted for 2000 and 2017 has confirmed the convergence of the identified groups of the EU28. Individual clusters of the countries thus display minor differences and converge in general.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomoya Tsuchihashi ◽  
Nobuyuki Kakimoto ◽  
Takashi Takeuchi ◽  
Tomohiro Suenaga ◽  
Takayuki Suzuki ◽  
...  

Abstract Background Coronary artery aneurysm (CAA) is an important complication of Kawasaki disease (KD) that is associated with arterial structure damage. However, few studies have examined structural changes in coronary arteries that are not associated with CAA. Methods We examined coronary arteries in KD patients with CAAs who underwent follow-up coronary angiography (CAG) and optical coherence tomography (OCT). Coronary arterial branches with no abnormal findings during the most recent CAG were classified into two groups. Arteries with an acute-phase CAA that later regressed were classified as group R; arteries with no abnormal findings on either acute or convalescent phase CAG were classified as group N. Coronary arterial wall structural changes were compared between groups using OCT. Results Fifty-seven coronary arterial branches in 23 patients were evaluated by OCT. Thirty-six branches showed no abnormality during the most recent CAG. Both groups R and N comprised 18 branches. Maximum intimal thicknesses in groups R and N were 475 and 355 µm, respectively (p = 0.007). The incidences of media disruption were 100% and 67%, respectively (p = 0.02). Calcification, macrophage accumulation, and thrombus were not found in either group. Conclusions Intimal thickening and disruption of the media occur in coronary arteries with acute phase CAAs that later regress in the convalescent phase, as well as in arteries with normal CAG findings in the acute and convalescent phases.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-119
Author(s):  
Karol Franczak

Abstract One of the main goals of contemporary media, along with the experts and professionals, who speak in them, has been to explain complex issues and provide the audience with clear descriptions of social reality. This is mostly achieved by the production of ideologically useful interpretative schemes that facilitate understanding of the issues present on the media agenda. An important strategy of shaping the public opinion in the way in which public affairs and the activity of social life participants is framed. Analyses of such practices have been conducted for over thirty years within various research approaches collectively referred to as framing analysis. This research provides several arguments helping one to develop a more critical perspective on the representations of social phenomena dominant in the media and discourses of symbolic elites (e.g. opinion writers, academics, experts, journalists, politicians), along with the analyses of the origin of such phenomena, moral judgements and preferred "corrective policies". One of the phenomena defined by the media in Europe as the most important one for the past several years, is the so-called "New Right". The aim of the paper is to analyse the interpretative schemes used by the journalists of four Polish opinion-forming weeklies and to describe the activity of its German manifestation – the Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamisation of the Occident (Pegida) social movement and the Alternative for Germany party (AfD).


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