scholarly journals Zmiany w polityce medialnej Węgier i Polski

2021 ◽  
pp. 83-101
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Konarska
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
Common Elements ◽  
Public Media ◽  
Media Markets ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

Changes in the media policy of Hungary and Poland Changes in media policy in Poland in 2015–2020 suggest a correlation with the changes initiated in Hungary in 2010, when Viktor Orbán and his party Fidesz took power. The aim of the article is to present and make a comparative analysis of the changes introduced in the media policy of both countries. The list of regulations and actions of the government elites, consisting in interfering with media markets and the activities of public media, shows many similarities and common elements of media policy.

Ökonomische Bedeutung und rechtlicher Rahmen der staatlichen Werbung in der ungarischen Medienpolitik

2019 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-66
Author(s):  
Gábor Polyák
Keyword(s):  
Public Information ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Media Regulation ◽  
Public Media ◽  
Private And Public ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

The situation of media freedom, the current problems of media regulation in Hungary has been a constant issue of the European agenda since 2010. Despite the fierce criticism of domestic, European and international organizations, neither the legal framework nor the direction of media policy steps changed. The media policy measures of recent years gradually led to an extensive transformation of the media system. The process is based on three contiguous pillars. These are undermining the independence of the supervisory bodies of private and public media, manipulating access to the resources necessary for their activity in the media market, and manipulating the information environment by controlling the access to public information and the political agenda. This paper highlights the communication and funding roles of state advertising and campaigning and the legal issues they raise. State advertising should by no means favour certain market players unfoundedly, because in such cases they can be considered as prohibited state aid in the terms of the European law. The practice of placing state advertisements in Hungary does not meet the normal market conditions. These advertisements are also problematic from the point of view of media law classification, however the Hungarian media authority always applies the law in favour of the government. This behaviour can also be found in the practice of assessing media concentrations. The misuse of public finance and the authorities’ biased decisions together resulted in the largest media concentration in Europe at the end of 2018.

Euroatlanske integracije i savremeni izazovi razvojne politike javnog komuniciranja u Bosni i Hercegovini

2017 ◽  
pp. 33-50
Author(s):  
Mirza Mehmedović
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Information Needs ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
Specific Information ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Many

In the middle of the second decade of the twenty-first century, Bosnia and Herzegovina is at the crossroads of political, economic and cultural revitalization of the society as a country that declarative aims for application of European principles of political organization and the membership in the European Union. On this way there are many open issues that are the result of twenty years of political and economic stagnation or collapse of all elements that should be the foundation for the stabilization of a modern democratic society in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The internal reconstruction of the political system and the revitalisation of the institutions of the government or different holders of political reforms means at the same time the fulfilment of the conditions of accession to Euro-Atlantic integration. The development of a unified media policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the establishment of public media service in accordance with the requirements of the European Union and the interests of all citizens are the top issues among the many current challenges that we have to deal with in the future. But for Bosnia and Herzegovina it is not exclusively the interest of communicational research. It must be necessarily seen in the wider context as a political, cultural and economic issue, because the establishment of a single media/communication system is one of the key requirements for a political compromise, the integration of society and the harmonization of other common (primarily economic) interests for all citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. One of the key requirements for defining a unified media policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina is agreeing / reconciliation of all complex (heterogeneous) cultural characteristics, as well as the specific characteristics of modern communication situation in a model that would respond to the specific information needs of citizens and the standards applied by the European Union.

The State and Media Financing: Bulgaria and the Mediterranean Media Model

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivo Indjov ◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
The State ◽  
State Funding ◽  
Communist Country ◽  
Media System ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
The Government

The study examines the applicability of the comparative framework of Hallin and Mancini (2004) with their three models of media‒politics relations (Mediterranean or Polarized Pluralist Model, North/ Central European or Democratic Corporatist Model, and North Atlantic or Liberal Model) to a post-communist country like Bulgaria. The answer to this question is sought through a study of the role of the state in relation to the media system, particularly the state funding of media in its various forms. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the Bulgarian media system is most similar to the Mediterranean Model due to the power of еtatism (the state finances public media, and the government buys media love through state and municipal advertising). At the same time, ineffective media regulation favors media concentration and the instrumentalization of large government media groups. The processes of rapid liberalization, privatization and deregulation in the media sector after 1989 brought Bulgaria closer to the countries included in the Liberal Model. Therefore, its media system is hybrid to some extent, but the similarities with the Mediterranean Model remain in the lead. The clientelism through which they are tamed, resp. corrupt the media, brings Bulgaria closer to the Latin American countries where it is much stronger than in the Mediterranean region (Hallin, Papathanassopoulos 2002). The concluding part predicts that, in the future, the analysis of the Bulgarian media system can be enhanced with a study of the applicability of the concepts of the “captured liberal model” of the media (in Latin America) and the “captured media” in the post-communist world.

The return of public media policy in New Zealand: New hope or lost cause?

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter A. Thompson
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Digital Media ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
Media Ecology ◽  
Public Broadcasting ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
Significant Shift ◽  
Local Content ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Media

The formation of a new coalition government in New Zealand in the wake of the 2017 election ended three terms of National-led governments and raised the prospect of a significant shift in media policy. National had insisted that in the digital media ecology, the funding of public broadcasting institutions was no longer a priority and that platform-neutral contestable funding of local content would ensure the quality and diversity of content. This saw the demise of the TVNZ Charter and its two commercial-free channels (TVNZ 6 and 7), while both Radio New Zealand (RNZ) and the local content funding agency, NZ On Air, had their funding frozen. The 2017 election of the Labour-NZ First-Green government came with the promise of an additional investment of NZ$38m in public media, the expansion of RNZ’s remit to include a commercial-free television channel, and the establishment of an independent commission to assess funding needs for public media. However, the media ecology Labour now faces entails new policy complexities. Deregulation, financialization and convergence have not only intensified commercial pressures on the media, they have led to important shifts in the ways audiences discover and engage with media content. In turn, this complicates the traditional models of state intervention intended to deliver public service outcomes. Adopting a critical institutionalist framework this article will highlight key shifts in media policy trajectory since 1999 and highlight some key differences between the public broadcasting initiatives of 1999–2008 and the approach thus far of the incoming government. The article analyses how competing intra-party and inter-ministerial priorities have circumscribed the media policy options available and thereby highlight the way political–economic interests in the media ecology manifest in public policy.

EXPERIENCE OF THE ANALYSIS OF PR SERVICE ACTIVITY OF REGIONAL AUTHORITIES (ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE OREL REGION)

2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 43-48
Author(s):  
Гостенина ◽  
Valentina Gostenina ◽  
Байрамов ◽  
Vagif Bayramov ◽  
Дорохова ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Public Relations ◽  
Formal Analysis ◽  
Document Analysis ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Internet Resource ◽  
Service Activity ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Regional Authorities

The article is the result of the analysis of sites of regional authorities, characterizing the activity of PR services. The research methodology includes the use of the method of document analysis, comparative analysis and logical interpretation of the results set out in the form of conclusions on the affected issue. The document is understood as the site of the authority, like the media; non-formalized document analysis is used as a kind of method. The document analysis was conducted in June 2015. In the analysis the following sites are used for the regional legislative power of the Orel region - http://oreloblsovet.ru/, for the executive - http://orel-region.ru/, for the judiciary - http: //oblsud.orl .sudrf.ru /. The results of the study are the results of the analysis of documents (sites) and the conclusions of the authors of the article about the possibility of using non-formal analysis to the evaluation of the government activity, about the effectiveness of the various branches of the Internet resource as the main mechanism for public relations.

scholarly journals Broadcasting Public Service in the Arab World: Rupture and Continuity

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 98-112
Author(s):  
Jamel Zran ◽  
Moez Ben Messaoud
Keyword(s):  
Public Service ◽  
Arab World ◽  
The State ◽  
The Public ◽  
Media Regulation ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The World ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ruling Party

A large proportion of the media around the world, especially those related to radio and television, belong to the state. In principle at least, there are three different terms to talk about these types of media: (1). The public media that draws on the treasury to present programming that is in the interest of the general population. They do not support any political party, not even the party in power. (2). National media owned by the state and using the treasury money, are also controlled directly by the state. (3). Government media that is owned by the ruling party and uses the treasury money, are also controlled by the ruling party. These three models coexist already in the Arab world since independence. This phenomenon almost removed the clear distinction that existed in principle between the government media and the public media. After the Arab Spring in 2011, however, this distinction remains important. The public broadcaster model was based on a principle that is still justified for most of the world and that the private media alone can not guarantee the pluralism of broadcasting. The problem, however, is that the government media have also largely failed. In several countries, the arrival of private media has pushed governments to exercise editorial control of the public media. The discussion of media regulation is aimed primarily at ensuring that the media financed by the Public treasury exercise their profession with the full independence of the government of the day to which they are entitled, rather than aiming to restrict the freedom of the media that already enjoy full editorial independence. In the Arab world, there have been some attempts to recover and modernize the ideal model of public media, as for example the case of Tunisia, Morocco and Jordan. This study aim to search if the Arab broadcasting meet the recognized standards and the requirements of the concept of public service?Int. J. Soc. Sc. Manage. Vol. 5, Issue-3: 98-112 

scholarly journals Spaces of becoming - Space shapes public and public (re)shapes their own spaces

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vaishali Aggarwal ◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
City Development ◽  
Role Of Government ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
The City

Fights over the ‘right to the city’ have emphasized the interests of the four main actors within the city development of India since the first cases of revolting social movements in Delhi. The four actors can be classified as the social movements, the public, media and the government. The case of India Gate in Delhi is illustrative not only of how the differences between the actors come into surface, but of also of how these actors change their priorities, their stance and their tools, in order to secure their position in the city. Many scholars have analysed the role of social movements and how it evolves in the process. But what about the role of government as an entity that is in between the interests of social movements, public and media? How and why do they change their stance when a movement takes place? What are their limitations? The India Gate case can give the answers to these questions, as it examines the multiple transformations of this space over time. This paper emphasizes on the idea of Space. How space shapes public and public (re)shape their own spaces. India gate. This space has been stuck between the idea of being a space or a branded space. It was assumed that media plays a prominent role in acting like a watchdog in democracies, but this paper looks at how media if used rightfully can be forced for a good in oppressive regimes and therefore, a vigilant and alert media can act as an external trigger or an emergency- wake up call for the youth of India to take the cause of freedom seriously. Rightfully as put up by Ritish (2012), an external event or issue may allow for the manifestation of a flash fandom in the form of flash activism. Since, social movement’s needs mass media attention for amplification of their claims, the media also join the movements too create the news. Lastly, the consequences of the media coverage for social movements, in terms of organisation, reaching political change and obtaining favourable public opinion is comprehended in three different case studies.

scholarly journals OWNERSHIP STRUCTURE AND MEDIA CONTROL IN SERBIA

ZBORNIK MES ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanja Stankov ◽  
Aleksandar Rakić ◽  
Jasmina Bajić
Keyword(s):  
Ownership Structure ◽  
Public Interest ◽  
Social Activities ◽  
Government Control ◽  
The Public ◽  
Media Control ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Public Oversight

Who are the media owners in Serbia? It could be a rewarding question in various quizzes of knowledge. Because the ownership of many public media in the country is not a public matter. Corruption in the media itself prevents objective information and public oversight of social activities. But without the media, there is no effective fight against corruption. When government control over the media is stronger than the capacity of the media to control the government, when the interests of the hidden media owners do not coincide with the interests of citizens, when the interests of individuals are realized at the expense of the public interest, which is supposed to protect the state, then the relativization of the problem of corruption in Society.

scholarly journals INTEGRATION CHALLENGES OF MEDIA POLICY IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 77-86
Author(s):  
Mirza Mehmedović
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Communication Systems ◽  
Structural Changes ◽  
Annual Reports ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Media System ◽  
Public Media ◽  
National Media ◽  
The Media

In the process of political transition of the Western Balkan countries, the non-EU countries in particular, the reform of communication systems occupies one of the primary places within the implementation of economic, cultural, political and integration processes of each country. Communication research that seeks to define the dilemmas of the current communication situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a determining framework of the media system, includes many socio-political factors conditioned by structural changes within the society of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the last 25 years. The complete cultural and political deconstruction of the Bosnian society at the end of the twentieth and the beginning of the twenty-first century destabilized the internal organization of the political, cultural and economic system, especially in the domain of public communication and organization of the media subsystem. Apart from the numerous current challenges, the development of a unified media policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the establishment of a public media system in accordance with the requirements of the European Union and the interests of all citizens, are among the key issues that state institutions are facing at the moment. This paper primarily deals with the analysis of the European Commission’s annual reports on Bosnia and Herzegovina’s progress in the process of implementing reforms in the media policy sector and based on these annual reports it suggests the key factors for future national media policy definition. The goal is to establish a national media policy and reform the communication system in a broader context as a political, cultural and economic issue, i.e., as an institutionally agreed path for political compromise, integration of society and definition of collective identities.

scholarly journals Ownership Concentration in the TV Industry

2007 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sune Tjernström
Keyword(s):  
Ownership Concentration ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
Media Industry ◽  
Commercial Television ◽  
Political Management ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Publishing Groups ◽  
Media Firms

Abstract The wish to limit ownership concentration in the media industry has been common in the newspaper sector, but hardly very successful. As commercial television was more extensively introduced, governments saw possibilities of limiting ownership concentration in this sector. One such case is the Swedish TV4, owned at the start in 1991 by a consortium of financial and smaller publishing groups, but now controlled by the biggest player in the national media business. What happened on the way and what were the obstacles to media policy in this field? Some would argue that this is an area in which media policy failed. Alternatively, this development can be understood as a case in which the nature of corporate policy is revealed. A third option would be to observe the interaction between corporate interests and the government as an example of so-called political management. This article examines these scenarios in the context of commercial television in Sweden. The case study provides a deeper understanding of the nature of ‘institutional competitiveness’, politics vs. business, nationally based media firms vs. other Scandinavian players.

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