The Political-Geographic Bases of the Austrian Nationality Problem

1967 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
George W. Hoffman
Keyword(s):  
Political Geography ◽  
Critical Evaluation ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Habsburg Empire ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Geographic Structure ◽  
External Forces ◽  
And Function ◽  
Different Characteristics

The breakup of the Habsburg monarchy was perhaps the most exceptional change made in the political geography of the European world of our times. It would be too much to say that the shot fired at Sarajevo destroyed the Austro-Hungarian empire. But it is hardly an exaggeration to suggest that the young assassin was a living embodiment of the principle of nationalism in the South Slavic lands and that the shot which he fired was a deliberate blow at the political-geographic structure of the Habsburg monarchy. Those competent to discuss the question are almost unanimous in their verdict: the dissolution of the empire was brought on by a combination of external forces and an internal disintegration. The internal disintegration actually impelled the state to expose itself to the external forces. The works of scholars from many countries and disciplines2who have carefullyanalyzed the structure and function of the Habsburg empire have been scrutinized with the view of studying the regions which formed this empire, their different characteristics and associations, and their connections with each other and to the state in order to ascertain to what extent the area of the empire constituted a state in the modern sense and to note any weaknesses in its morphology and physiology that helped to account for its collapse. The contribution of political geography to this critical evaluation of nationalism as a disintegrating force of the Habsburg empire lies in an analysis of the major problems of the internal situation of that empire.

The Slovaks in the Habsburg Empire: A Struggle for Existence

1967 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 335-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Václav L. Beneš
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fundamental Issue ◽  
Political Realism ◽  
Habsburg Empire ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Principles Of Justice ◽  
Final Expression

The example of the Slovaks, next to the Ruthenians the weakest and least privileged people of the Danubian monarchy, is eminently fitted to the examination of Austria's ability to deal with the main problem of its modern political life, namely, that of the coexistence and possible reconciliation of its nationalities. One of the first to point out this fundamental issue for the continued existence of Austria with unusual clarity was František Palacký in his 1848 letter to the Vorparlament of the Frankfurt National Assembly. Far from being an expression of unreserved faith in the future of the monarchy, his memorable words on the necessity of the Habsburg state1 were dictated by political realism and foresight. Emphasizing the dangers of German nationalism and Russian imperialism, which he perhaps intentionally exaggerated,2 the Czech leader was fully aware of the political weakness of the small Slav nations who were only gradually establishing their national identity. It was for their sake that he gave a final expression to the policy of Austro-Slavism, seeking the salvation of the Austrian Slavs in the preservation of the monarchy. He endeavored, however, to give it a new raison d'être based on the creation of a common defensive system for its individual nationalities in which all were to be given “complete equality of rights and respect.” While sincere, Palacký's support of Austria was neither unconditional nor devoid of a strong element of doubt. The nationalist policies of the Austrian Germans and the rebellious Magyars, whose chauvinism was only thinly covered by a veneer of liberalism, caused him to moderate his opinion in regard to the ability of the Austrian rulers to change the empire into a federal and democratic state. Thus, at the end of his Frankfurt message Palacký expressed only the hope that the Habsburg monarchy would not miss the opportunity to change into a state based on principles of justice, which alone could save it from disintegration.

scholarly journals Public Universities in Post-Socialist States Could Become ‘Un-Academic’ after 2020 Pandemic

Šolsko polje ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol XXXI (3-4) ◽  
pp. 139-165
Author(s):  
Andraž Teršek
Keyword(s):  
Critical Reflection ◽  
Public Universities ◽  
Social Role ◽  
The State ◽  
State Universities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Role ◽  
Legitimate Concern ◽  
And Function ◽  
Role And Function

Firm and verifiable signs give reason for legitimate concern and criticism of the path taken by public universities in European post-socialist states in the last two decades. Not fulfilling their social role and function, as guardians of knowledge, thought, critical reflection and open-mindedness, is a cause for serious concern. Universities have bowed to the aggressive logic of the market. Instead of resisting the purely bureaucratic and brutal administrative conditions and criteria imposed by the state, universities have completely and uncritically subjected themselves to the dictates of authorities and committees controlled by the state. Academics have become passive and apathetic slaves of robotised technocratic dehumanisation. These phenomena have led universities to considerably fail to take care of the education of critically thinking citizens, of moral personalities and courageous civil intellectuals equipped with authentic and high-quality knowledge, and with self-respect, combined with an appropriate ethical self-understanding of their systemic and social role. Academics have lost awareness of their most important public role in the maintenance and progress of genuine democracy and the political system’s legitimacy. It seems that these universities have become almost non-academic. And they could finally become ‘un-academic’ due to the 2020 pandemic.

Gleicher als andere. Niederösterreich als Kronland im habsburgischen Imperium

2021 ◽  
pp. 79-108
Author(s):  
Jana Osterkamp
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Habsburg Empire ◽  
Education Policies ◽  
Or Education ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Imperial History ◽  
Regional State ◽  
Political Interaction ◽  
Regional History ◽  
Political Economic

More Equal than Others. The Crownland Lower Austria in the Habsburg Empire. The study of power in the most important crownland of the Habsburg Monarchy is a regional history unlike any other. Lower Austria, as the political, economic and cultural centre of one of the great European monarchies, will be examined via perspectives from the new Habsburg studies and new imperial history. The focus lies on questions of political interaction and cooperation. Cooperation between governmental and non-governmental actors and hence both “from above” and “from below” will be illustrated using the example of agricultural or education policies, while the cooperation between the Austrian crownlands is outlined with respect to fiscal equalisation mechanisms. An entangled regional, state and imperial perspective is embedded in the concept of a “cooperative empire” and seeks to open up new programmatic questions.

The importance of the organism in the political theory of John of Salisbury

1994 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 303-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tilman Struve
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Middle Ages ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
John Of Salisbury ◽  
Political Theories ◽  
Animate Organism ◽  
And Function ◽  
The Middle Ages

The comparison of the State with an animate organism was of outstanding importance in the political theories of the Middle Ages. Despite all its various forms of appearance this comparison always served to define the place and function of each individual in particular, as well as in relation to a superior whole. John of Salisbury deserves the credit for having helped this organological view of the State to breakthrough in writing the Policraticus.

scholarly journals A DISPUTA DE UMA GEOGRAFIA POLÍTICA NO LIVRO DIDÁTICO:

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (20) ◽  
pp. 541-561
Author(s):  
Ludmila Losada da Fonseca ◽  
Ivaine Maria Tonini
Keyword(s):  
Educational Policy ◽  
Political Geography ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Space Transformation ◽  
State Strategy ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Geographical Space

Este artigo versa sobre os atravessamentos políticos no livro didático e a manifestação deles por meio dos conteúdos da Geografia Política. Mais do que uma estratégia estatal, a política educacional – como o Programa Nacional do Livro Didático- é uma regulamentação na esteira de uma racionalidade adotada pelos governos. Os livros didáticos são o lócus para analisar os atravessamentos entre Política e ciência geográfica. Para tanto, esse artigo foi elaborado por meio da análise de duas coleções didáticas: Geografia Geral e do Brasil e Fronteiras da Globalização. A metodologia escolhida foi aquela que coloca em suspenso a informação para estabelecer interrogações sobre o que já está sendo dito. Com este método de análise, depreendemos duas formas distintas de manifestação da relação entre a Política e a Geografia no campo da Geografia Escolar: a Geografia Maior - pensada para e pelo Estado; e as Geografias Menores - manifestam-se pela abordagem de uma outra Geografia Política, pautada em diferentes escalas, permitindo contatos e análises para além do Estado. Conclui-se deste estudo que não há como conceber a ciência geográfica e a Geografia Escolar desconectadas da dimensão política, e que o livro didático é um lugar de disputa de racionalidades e de geografias. Encontramos nas análises elementos de cada uma dessas geografias. E percebemos a potencialidades das Geografias Menores em fomentar no aluno sua atuação na transformação do espaço geográfico. PALAVRAS-CHAVE Livro didático, Geografia política escolar, Geografias maior e menor.   A POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY DISPUTE IN THE TEXTBOOK: major Geographiesandminor Geographies ABSTRACT This article discuss the political crossings in the textbook (LD) and their manifestation through the contents of Political Geography. More than a state strategy, educational policy - like the National Textbook Program - is a regulation in the wake of a rationality path embraced by the governments. The textbooks are the locus for analyzing the crossings between politics and geographic science. Therefore, this article was prepared by analyzing two collections of LD, General and Brazilian Geography and Frontiers of Globalization. The methodology chosen was which puts the information on hold to establish questions about what is already being said. From this analysis, we deduce two different ways of manifesting the relationship between Politics and Geography in the field of Geography in school: the Major Geography – which is thought for and by the State; and the Minor Geographies, manifested by the approach of another Political Geography, based on different scales that enable contacts and analysis apart from the State. It is concluded from this study that there is no possibility to conceive geographic science and school geography disconnected from the political dimension, and that LD is a place of dispute of rationalities and geographies. We found in the analyzed LD elements from each of these geographies. And we considering as possibility in Minor Geographies a way to encourage the student action in geographical space transformation. KEYWORDS Textbook, Political Geography in school, Major and minor Geographies.

The Industrialization of Fetishism or the Fetishism of Industrialization: A Critique of Ivan Illich

1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-371 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicente Navarro
Keyword(s):  
Health Services ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Iatrogenic Effects ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Social ◽  
Sociological Literature ◽  
And Function ◽  
Ivan Illich

This article critically assesses the ideology of industrialism in light of Ivan Illich's Medical Nemesis. The paper is divided into three sections. The first section is a description of the main features of that ideology, the most prevalent and influential one used in sociological literature to explain the state both of Western societies and of our health services. Also in this section, it is shown how these features appear in Illich's analysis of our societies, of our health services, and of the different clinical, social, and structural iatrogeneses that health services create. The second section examines the assumptions underlying Illich's analysis and discusses their validity to explain the nature and function of our Western health services and their iatrogenic effects. Where Illich's explanations are considered invalid, alternative explanations are presented. Among them, it is postulated that it is not industrialism, but the assumedly transcended category of capitalism that is the cause of the social and structural iatrogeneses. The third section discusses the political implications of Illich's analysis, in a moment when our Western societies are supposedly in crisis.

The Habsburg Puzzle

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
A. Wess Mitchell
Keyword(s):  
Economic Structure ◽  
Standard Measure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Habsburg Empire ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Napoleon Bonaparte ◽  
External Threats

This introductory chapter provides a background of the Austrian Habsburgs. Amassed over several centuries by marriage, war, diplomacy, and luck, the eastern realm of the Austrian Habsburgs was an omnium gatherum of tribes and languages—German, Magyar, Slav, Jew, and Romanian—bound together by geographic happenstance, legal entailment, and the person of the emperor who ruled them. The lands inhabited by this multiethnic menagerie were a place of war; in every direction, the Austrian Habsburgs faced enemies. Indeed, the outside environment placed Austria in a position of continual danger while the political and economic structure of the empire narrowed the range of viable tools for responding effectively to external threats and putting it on a secure long-term footing. Yet somehow, despite the seemingly insurmountable threats arrayed against it, the Habsburg Monarchy had survived. It outlasted Ottoman sieges, Bourbon quests for continental hegemony, repeated efforts at dismemberment by Frederick the Great, and no fewer than four failed attempts to defeat Napoleon Bonaparte. Each time, it weathered the threat at hand and more often than not emerged on the winning side. Thus, by virtually any standard measure, the Habsburg Empire must be judged a geopolitical success.

scholarly journals MOBILIZATION OF POLITICAL-RELATIONAL CAPACITIES BY STATE GOVERNMENTS: an analysis of the formulation of the state plan for solid waste in Tocantins

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. a16en
Author(s):  
Lia de Azevedo Almeida ◽  
Lucas Braga da Silva ◽  
Luana Ferreira da Silva
Keyword(s):  
Solid Waste ◽  
Structure And Function ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Integrated Waste Management ◽  
Waste Policy ◽  
And Function ◽  
State Plan ◽  
Relational Capacities

The National Solid Waste Policy provides for the elaboration of national, state, micro-regional, intermunicipal and municipal plans for integrated waste management (Brasil, 2010). Therefore, the objective was to analyze the political-relational capacities mobilized by the network formed by the actors/ participants in the Technical Workshop for the elaboration of the State Plan for Solid Waste of Tocantins (PERS/TO), which took place in October 2015 in Palmas. Reports were collected from the Secretariat of Environment and Water Resources (Semarh) and a questionnaire was applied to the participants of the technical workshop, which sought to identify the interests of the various actors and investigate the structure and function of the network. The data were analyzed with the support of the Visone 2.7 software.

scholarly journals Participation Of Women In Politics During The War (Lebanon)

1970 ◽  
pp. 3-4
Author(s):  
Laure Moghaizel
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
Participation Of Women ◽  
And Function ◽  
Role And Function

What role and function did Lebanese women serve during the war? Where are they amidst the politics and the violence? What advantage did they take of the political equality that is granted to them in the State power?

scholarly journals Dengbêjs on borderlands: Borders and the state as seen through the eyes of Kurdish singer-poets

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendelmoet Hamelink ◽  
Hanifi Barış
Keyword(s):  
Political Geography ◽  
The State ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
State Structure ◽  
Political Structure ◽  
Local Structures ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Cultural Expressions

This article investigates how the Kurdish home, borders and the state are depicted in one of the most important Kurdish cultural expressions in Turkey until 1980: the dengbêj art. The recital songs of the dengbêjs form a fascinating source to investigate how Kurds experienced life on the margins of the (nation-)state. We argue that the songs demonstrate that many Kurds perceived the political geography of the state they officially belonged to as foreign and not as a legitimate part of Kurdish socio-political reality. The Kurdish political geography created in the songs exists in small-scale local structures and alliances, and there is mostly no reference to a common Kurdish cause. Borders are presented as foreign interference in the Kurdish landscape. In the conclusion we suggest that Kurdish fragmented political structure should be understood as a deliberate means to avoid being incorporated in a state structure. This speaks against a (self-)Orientalist interpretation of Kurdish history that defines a lack of Kurdish unity as primitive. Dengbêj li ser sînoran: Dîtina sînor û dewletê bi çavên dengbêjan  Ev gotar vedikolê bê welatê Kurdan, sînor û dewlet çawan hatine şayesandin di yek ji girîngtirîn derbirînên çanda Kurdî da li Tirkiyeyê, heta 1980yê: anku dengbêjiyê. Kilamên resîtal ên dengbêjan çavkaniyeka hijmetkar pêk dihînin bo vekolîna serboriyên Kurdan ku mane li qeraxên netewe-dewletan. Em angaşt dikin ku, herçend Kurd bi xwe bi rengekî fermî parçeyek ji erdnîgara fermî ne, kilam destnîşan dikin ku gelek Kurd vê erdnîgara siyasî ya dewletê wekî diyardeyekî biyanî dibînin, ne ku wekî parçeyek rewa ji rastiya sosyo-polîtîk a Kurdîtiye. Erdnîgara polîtîk ya Kurdîtiyê ku di kilaman da hatiye afirandin pile-biçûk e û, bi piranî bêyî dozeka Kurdî ya hevbeş, ji hevalbediyên deverî pêk hatiye. Di kilaman da sînor wekî destwerdanên biyaniyan li welatê Kurdan hatine berpêş kirin. Di dawiyê de em pêşniyar dikin ku a rast Kurd bi zanebûn vê siyaseta parçebûyî meşandine da ku xwe vebidizin ji bişaftinê di avahiya dewletê da. Ev nêrîn di derbarê dîroka Kurdan da li dijî şîroveyên (oto)-oryantalîst e, çikû ew nebûna yekîtiya Kurdan wekî diyardeyekî prîmîtîv dibînin. دەنگبێژانی سەرسنوور. سنوور و وڵات لە ڕوانگە ی شاعیر و گۆرانیبێژی کوردەوە. ئەم وتارە باس لەوە دەکا کە وڵاتی کوردان، سنوورەکان و دەوڵەت چۆن لە یەكێ لە گرنگترین چەمکی کولتوری کوردی لە تورکیا تا ساڵی ١٩٨٠ نیشان دراون: هۆنەری دەنگبێژی. گۆرانییەکانی دەنگبێژەکان سەرچاوەیەکی چڕ و پڕن بۆ لێکۆڵینەوە لەسەر چۆنیەتی ژیانی کوردان لەسەر سنووری دەوڵەتان. ئێمە دەمانەوێ بڵێین کە گۆرانییەکان باس لەوە دەکەن کە زۆرینەی کوردەکان ئەم جۆگرافیا سیاسی فەرمییەی دەوڵەتی تورکیایە وەکوو وڵاتێکی بیانی سەیری دەکەن، نەک وەک بەشێکی یاسایی لە چوارچێوەی کۆمەڵایەتی سیاسی کوردی. جۆگرافیای سیاسی کوردی ناو گۆرانییەکان لە کۆمەڵێک ناوچەی چکۆلە پێک هاتووە و تەنانەت شتێک بە ناوی کێشە و مەسەلەی کورد ئاماژەی پێناکرێ. سنوورەکان وەکوو دەستدرێژی بیانی سەر خاکی کوردان سەیر دەکردێن. لە کۆتاییشدا، چوارچێوەی سیاسی دابەشبووی کوردی دەبێ وەکوو کەرەسەیەکی ڕاستەوخۆ سەیر بکرێ کە پێش بە سازبوونی دەوڵەتێکی کوردی دەگرێ. ئەوەش دژ بە شیکردنەوەی باوەڕی سێلف ـ ئۆریێنتالیستە لە سەر مێژووی کورد کە باس لە نەبوونی یەکگرتوویی کوردی لە بنەڕەتدا دەکا. 

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document