scholarly journals THE NEW WAY OF LIFE OF THE OLD BELIEVERS IN BURYATIA: “LIFE HAS IMPROVED, LIFE HAS BECOME MORE JOYOUS”? (1930s)

Author(s):  
Sergey V. Homyakov

Establishment of the Soviet power in Buryatia was another and the most painful factor in the decline of the lifestyle of one of the communities living here – the Old Believers. Having appeared in the region in the second half of the XVIII century, they managed to preserve their religious identity and cultural specifics, although already at the beginning of the XX century researchers noted trends of breaking with the most orthodox traditions and discontinuity of generational ties. In the 1920s, the Bolsheviks skillfully supported the protest wave of young people against the power of their parents, the desire to change their lives by leaving the confines of a closed community, as well as the idea of Old Believers about everyday life (built around the basis of their identity, the Old-Orthodox religion) as about the dark and hopelessly outdated. Already in the 1930s, the messages of the main newspaper of the republic – “Buryat-Mongol Pravda” – reported on the new happy life of not only young, but also elderly Old Believers who had abandoned religious prejudices and were in the forefront of building the Soviet society in the villages of Buryat-Mongolia. The article considers the issue on what caused such a change in people’s mentality: the ideological victory of the Soviet propaganda or a socially approved behavior (including cases of active and continued general passive resistance to a new life)? Hence, taking into account the desire of the current Old Believers to return and develop old traditions, the tasks of analyzing the external (everyday) changes of the 1930s in working life and searching for attempts to preserve (for further continuity) the identity of the social group are set. The object of the study is the Old Believers’ community of a part of the former Verkhneudinsky uyezd (since the 1930s – Tarbagataisky and Mukhorshibirsky aimaks of the Buryat-Mongolian ASSR), the subject is the ideological, cultural and religious processes that took place in their environment during the indicated period. As a brief conclusion, it follows that the ideological campaign in Buryat-Mongolia, which continued in the 1930s, had a formal character in the Old Believer districts, which took place in the adoption of changes in the way of life while preserving the foundations of religious identity.

Author(s):  
R.B. Shaykhislamov ◽  
O.A. Bureeva

Over the past three decades, both in Russia as a whole and in its regions, the number of believers representing different faiths has increased. Most Russian regions are multi-confessional. Relations of mutual respect and tolerance have evolved over the centuries between the adherents of traditional religions. It should be noted that in the traditional way of life, representatives of confessional groups formed separate settlements. Today the representatives of different confessions live in the same locality urban and rural areas, often are neighbors, and colleagues. Moreover, representatives of confessional groups become distant or close relatives. In other words, there is a reduction in the social distance between representatives of different faiths. Therefore, it is essential to find ways not only of good-neighbourly coexistence, not only tolerance, but also trust and cooperation between different groups of believers at the macro-, meso- and micro levels.


Author(s):  
Anastasiya Nikolaevna Soboleva

The object of this research is the youth of Buryat-Mongolian ASSR as most active social group within the social structure of 1941 – 1945, which was the major source for replenishment of labor reserves. The subject of this research is the examination of core financial and social problems faced by the youth working at the defense industry plants of the republic. Special attention is given to analysis of the impact of wartime struggles and hardships upon household and food procurement. It is noted that shortage of housing, low salaries, insecure life, poor nutrition, deficit of clothing and footwear often led breach of employee discipline. The article explores the important vectors in the activity of Komsomol with regards to housing and living conditions, as well as various forms of financial and psychological incentives that promote adaptation of youth to working at the industrial plant. The scientific novelty consists in introduction into the scientific discourse of a number of previously unpublished source that were collected specifically for this research. As a result of the conducted research, it was established that working youth, who for the most part came from rural localities to the city, were put in quite difficult social and living conditions, experiencing critical problems in the process of adaptation; however, they accomplished significant labor achievements and made their contribution to the common Victory.


2015 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
José Assunção Fernandes Leite

O filósofo genebrino Jean-Jacques Rousseau, em suas reflexões políticas, mais precisamente, no primeiro livro Do Contrato Social, ao expor sobre de quem deveria ser a responsabilidade de pensar sobre as formas de governar, argumenta: “Entro na matéria sem demonstrar a importância de meu assunto. Perguntar-me-ão se sou príncipe ou legislador, para escrever sobre política. Se fosse príncipe ou legislador, não perderia meu tempo, dizendo o que deve ser feito; haveria de fazê-lo, ou calar-me”. Ora, como não somos nem príncipes e nem governantes, faremos o que fez Jean-Jacques, investigaremos que mérito é esse recebido por alguns homens para que possam governar. Para esta investigação recorreremos a Platão como contra ponto ao filósofo iluminista, ao utilizar-se do conceito de alma e suas potências para legitimar os estamentos de uma cidade justa e o governo do filósofo n’A República. Para esse confronto utilizaremos o Discurso sobre a origem e os fundamentos da desigualdade entre os homens onde o filósofo faz sua análise das formas de governo e qual seria a melhor delas para os homens viverem e, os discursos empregados como forma de persuadir os demais para aceitarem as formas de governo. Palavras-chave: Alma. Governante. Mérito pessoal. Discurso.  PLATÃO AND ROUSSEAU: about the the soul of the rulerAbstract: The genevese philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau in your politics reflexions, precisely, in the firstbook Of the Social Contract, to exhibit about whose should be the responsibility of think about the forms of to govern,argue: “ I come in the matter without to show the importance of the subject. They will ask me if I am a princeor legislator, to write about politics. If I were prince or legislator, I am not would lost my time, saying what should bedone; should I do it or shut up me.” Well, how we will do what did Jean-Jacques, we will investigate what merit is thisreceived for some kind of men to can to govern. For it we will recourse to Platão like counterpoint to the illuministphilosopher, when he use the concept of soul and your potency for legitimate the class of a fair city and the governmentof philosopher in the Republic. For this confront we will use the Speech about the origin and the basis of theinequality among the men where the philosopher make your analyses of the forms of govern and what would be thebest of them to the others men live and, the speech used like a way to accept your forms of govern.Keywords: Soul. Ruling. Personal merit. Speech.   PLATÃO Y ROUSSEAU: sobre el alma del gobernante Resumen: El filósofo ginebrino Jean-Jacques Rousseau, en sus reflexiones políticas, más precisamente, en  el primero libro Del Contrato Social, al exponer sobre de quién debería ser la responsabilidad de pensar sobre las formas de gobierno, argumenta: “Entro en la materia sin demonstrar la importancia de mi asunto. Preguntarán si soy príncipe o legislador, para escribir sobre política. Si fuera un príncipe o legislador no perdería mi tiempo, diciendo  lo que debe ser hecho, habría  de  hacerlo o callarme.” Pues, como no somos ni príncipe ni legislador, haremos lo  que ha hecho Jean–Jacques Rousseau, investigaremos cuál mérito es ese recibido por algunos hombres para que puedan gobernar. Para  esta investigación recurriremos a Platão como contrapunto al filósofo iluminista, al utilizar del concepto de alma y  sus potencias para legitimar los estamentos de una ciudad justa y el gobierno del filósofo En la República. Para esa confrontación utilizaremos el Discurso sobre   la origen y los fundamentos  de las desigualdades entre los hombres donde el filósofo  haz su análisis  de las formas de gobierno y cuál sería la mejor de ellas para los hombres vivieren y,  los discursos empleados como forma de persuadir a los demás para aceptaren las formas de gobierno. Palabras clave: Alma. Gobernante. Mérito personal. Discurso.  


2021 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-180
Author(s):  
Henry Kerger

Abstract The subject of this article points beyond a purely literary or literary-historical approach. The question is, whether and how a human being is able to change the (social) conditions of their life by changing himself through transition into another form of existence. In order to overcome established (social) conditions and one’s self, it is necessary to begin with a vision, a utopian dream. Those who pursue the utopian dream of overcoming their current (social) conditions must acknowledge their own good and evil, that is, their position vis-à-vis equality and justice, law and morality. The person itself, and its personality, is revealed in the relation between the utopia of changing its current way of life and its social reality. The ultimate question is: what is the essence of humanity, the ecce homo? Both the transition into a new form of being and the utopian dream differ decisively in Don Quixote and Zarathustra. It is not my concern to compare them as literary figures.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-56
Author(s):  
Jacek Bartyzel

The subject of this article is Christian nationalism in twentieth-century Portugal in its two ideological and organizational crystallizations. The first is the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista), operating in the late period of constitutional liberal monarchy, founded in 1903 on the basis of Catholic circles, whose initiator, leader, and main theoretician was Jacinto Cândido da Silva (1857–1926). The second is the metapolitical movement created after overthrowing the monarchy in 1914, aimed against the Republic, called Integralismo Lusitano. Its leader and main thinker was António Sardinha (1887–1925), and after his untimely death — Hipólito Raposo. Both organizations united nationalist doctrine with Catholic universalism, declaring subordination to the idea of national Christian ethics and the social doctrine of the Catholic Church. The difference between them, however, was that, although the party led by Cândido was founded, i.a., to save the monarchy, after its collapse, it doubted the sense of combining the defence of Catholicism against the militant secularism of the Republic with monarchism. Lusitanian integralists, on the other hand, saw the salvation of national tradition and Christian civilization in the restoration of monarchy — not liberal, but organic, traditionalist, anti-parliamentary, anti-liberal, and legitimistic. Eventually, the Nationalist Party gave rise to the Catholic-social movement from which an António Salazar’s corporate New State (Estado Novo, 1889–1970) originated, while Lusitanian Integralism was the Portuguese quintessential reactionary counter-revolution, for which Salazarism was also too modernist.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (88) ◽  

The second half of the 20th century witnessed many political and social upheavals in the Republic of Turkey as well as in the rest of the world. The political turmoil and chaos that occurred after 1970, which we determined as the limit of our study, and the social values that started to change with the introduction of technology in the institutional field after 1980 and in the individual life after 1990 caused the Turkish society to change at different speeds. Mehmet Güleryüz, who is the artist of the is a sensitive painter who observes, assimilates and has succeeded in reflecting these problems in his works by passing these problems through his intellectual filter with his ability to analyze with universal accuracy. In this study, the subject and drawing of Guleryuz's paintings were studied in this context. Keywords: Mehmet Guleryuz, 70’s, oil painting


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
PAOLA BERTUCCI

In the eighteenth century, dramatic electrical performances were favourite entertainments for the upper classes, yet the therapeutic uses of electricity also reached the lower strata of society. This change in the social composition of electrical audiences attracted the attention of John Wesley, who became interested in the subject in the late 1740s. The paper analyses Wesley's involvement in the medical applications of electricity by taking into account his theological views and his proselytizing strategies. It sets his advocacy of medical electricity in the context of his philanthropic endeavours aimed at the sick poor, connecting them to his attempts to spread Methodism especially among the lower classes. It is argued that the healing virtues of electricity entailed a revision of the morality of electrical experiment which made electric sparks powerful resources for the popularization of the Methodist way of life, based on discipline, obedience to established authorities and love and fear of God.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (Extra-A) ◽  
pp. 129-134
Author(s):  
Marat Zufarovich Galiullin ◽  
Ramil Rashitovich Kadyrov ◽  
Victoria Ravilꞌevna Sagitova ◽  
Luiza Kajumovna Karimova

The article reveals the main problems related to the Islamic factor in the political life of Uzbekistan. The crucial issue of gaining political identity is the attitude of States to human rights and the Islamic factor. Since the Republic was part of the USSR for a long time, an atheistic paradigm prevailed in political life. The Islamic factor is becoming a key factor in the problem of gaining cultural and national identity in Central Asia, as part of the national elite saw sovereign States under the flag of Islam and Sharia law. The authors note that the independence of States has set their leadership a serious task to preserve the main gains of the social state and the acquisition of religious identity in the lives of citizens of the country. The article shows the experience of harmonious coexistence of different faiths in a region where citizens retain their basic rights.


Author(s):  
O. A. Bogatova ◽  

The subject of the study undertaken in 2019–2020 by the method of in-depth sociological interviews with the descendants of persons suffered of massive political repressions, including the dispossessed peasants, is the social memory of the population of the Republic of Mordovia about the mass political repressions of the 1920s – 1940s. The aims of the study were to identify the main strategies for dealing with collective trauma in families of repressed in a regional society, the main subjects of social memory about traumas of repression, strategies for remembering and forgetting, and social factors that influence their choice, strategies for group self-identification of the descendants of the repressed, prerequisites (or their lack) for the consolidation of broader traumatized communities, as well as the underlying cultural modalities of discussing trauma and repressions in terms of detraumatization or retraumatization. The results of the study show that the families of the repressed are the main social subjects that preserve the memory of mass repressions in Mordovia. At the same time, the descendants of the repressed do not show a tendency to form wider traumatized communities based on remembering the repressions and identifying their perpetrators. There are three main strategies for dealing with collective trauma in families of the repressed. The first one is silence which is typical mainly for the commemorative strategies of families that have not changed their place of residence, contributing to the individualization of trauma and its intergenerational transmission. The second strategy is “talking cure” the trauma of repressions in terms of legal and moral assessment, based in the Soviet period on the assimilation of the self-identification of the “Soviet person” instead of the former group identity destroyed by repressions. The third strategy is the creation of an anti-communist counter-narrative about mass repressions based on the least stable in intergenerational perspective strategy of family self-segregation. Family narratives about traumatic experience are dominated by detraumatizing modalities of historicization and mythologization, which do not question the value of group identities acquired due to the integration of the descendants of the repressed into the structure of Soviet society. In local communities, the predominant model for dealing with the traumatic past remains “dialogical oblivion”.


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