scholarly journals Doxa and local elite habitus in the symbolic-based power struggle arena in Tidore

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 705-709
Author(s):  
Bustamin Wahid ◽  
Ishomuddin Ishomuddin ◽  
Wahyudi Winarjo ◽  
Rinikso Kartono
Keyword(s):  
Symbolic Capital ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Research Subjects ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Local Elite ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Depth Study ◽  
Local Leaders

This article describes a socio-political phenomenon that occurred in Tidore community during the momentum of Local Leaders Election (pilkada). Political phenomena do not only involve rational instruments, but also cultural and supernatural/mystical/occult dimensions being part of a mechanism for power struggle. Values, norms, and traditional leaders (nature and shari'a) are involved in a political contestation. The phenomenon of jinn and mystical/occult power is part of the capital to produce power in Tidore or in another sense; symbolic capital becomes a political mobilization strategy in Tidore. The aims of this research are (1) to analyze power and describe the process of doxa formation and elite habitus/political actors in the symbolic- based power struggle arena in Tidore. (2) to analyze and describe the strategies of the local elite in using symbolic capital in the arena of power struggle in Tidore (Local Leaders Election). This research uses qualitative method with ethnographic research. The research subjects are the indigenous people of Gurabunga, the political elite/political actors, Sowohi, the Sultan and people who are involved and understand the Local Leaders Election (pilkada). Data collection was done by interview, observation and documentation study. The researchers conduct an in-depth study so that the data can be maximal and adequate, and triangulation is carried out. Then this data was analyzed using an ethnographic approach. The theory used as an analytical tool in this research is Perre Bourdieu's Theory of Doxa, Habitus and Arena. The results of the study prove that the process of forming doxa and political habitus has a strong influence on the political practice of the Tidore people. Values, norms, customs and local beliefs of the community have an effect on the dynamics and political reality in Tidore. And symbolic capital as the most important part in producing power in Tidore   Keywords: Doxa, Habitus, Symbolic-based Power Struggle

Questione morale e crisi di regime. La prima Repubblica italiana alla prova degli scandali (1992-1994)

2009 ◽  
pp. 27-42
Author(s):  
Jean Lpuis Briquet
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
Before And After

- According to the standard thesis, the political crisis in Italy between 1992 and 1994 and the collapse of the Christian Democrat regime are related to the revelation of corruption of the political elite by the judiciary. However, judicial revelations and corruption scandals have regularly occurred in Italy, before and after this crisis, without provoking a drastic political change and the reject of the political system by the electorate. Considering this paradox, the article suggests an alternate account of the 1992-1994 events that underline the way in which the political competition had been affected by the scandals: the moral crusades against corruption had in this period a political impact because they had been relayed and supported by emerging political actors in order to challenge the established elites and to claim a leading role in reshaping the political system.

Somali National Reconciliation

2019 ◽  
pp. 215-226
Author(s):  
Abdurahman Abdullahi “Baadiyow”
Keyword(s):  
Good Governance ◽  
Participatory Approach ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Governance Practices ◽  
National Reconciliation

This chapter redefines the Somali conflict by refuting Somali exceptionalism and the approach based solely on clan. Instead, it argues that the genesis of hostilities is the state–society conflict that, as a consequence, has generated a violent power struggle among the political elite. In turn, this political elite power struggle has provoked political clannism and Islamism: the two indigenous ideologies. These conflicts have been generated sequentially as a result of state–society conflict, and must be addressed as part of a four-part process of reconciliation. The chapter also recommends a ten-point programme of reconciliation, which gradually realizes good governance practices and comprehensive elite and clan reconciliation. Moreover, it proposes a participatory approach and prudent synthesis of modernity and tradition.

British Public Opinion, Colour Issues, and Enoch Powell: a Longitudinal Analysis

1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donley T. Studlar
Keyword(s):  
Capital Punishment ◽  
Longitudinal Analysis ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
Cultural Expectation ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Government ◽  
Enoch Powell

Relationships between the public and the political elite in Britain are generally thought to be explicable in terms of a ‘strong leadership’ hypothesis, according to which the public responds to initiatives put forward by leading political actors. Reflecting the popular will is not thought to be a highly prized activity among British politicians, who supposedly share the general cultural expectation that the public defers to the wisdom of those more knowledgeable than themselves, the public being content with the opportunity to pronounce electorally on the fitness of the Government at least once every five years. Occasionally voices are heard demanding that more attention be paid to the wishes of the general public, as in recent years in regard to the Common Market and capital punishment, but these demands have so far gone unheeded.

Token Constitutionalism and Islamic Opposition in Tajikistan

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muriel Atkin
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Muslim Country ◽  
Soviet Rule ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Ruling Elites ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Soviet Central Asia ◽  
Religious Establishment

Abstract Tajikistan is a predominantly Muslim country where the concept of having a constitution is not controversial, but the content of that constitution is. Roughly seventy years of Soviet rule over the territory that became independent Tajikistan at the end of 1991 introduced constitutions as a norm, although the rights the constitutions appeared to accord did not jibe with political reality. The years of Soviet rule also created an environment hostile to Islam, as a result of which some of Tajikistan’s inhabitants ceased to be believers, while many who continued to practice their faith knew little about it other than the rituals of everyday life. In the last years of the Soviet era and the two decades after the breakup of the USSR, Islam was caught up in the political as well as religious controversies that developed in Tajikistan during this upheaval. There was an upsurge of attention to Islam, in a religious sense for some, a cultural and nationalist sense for others, and as a bogeyman for yet others. The Islamic Rebirth Party of Tajikistan (IRPT), the only legal Islamic political party in post-Soviet Central Asia, along with the head of the religious establishment in the republic, the qadi, joined with secular groups advocating reforms that would promote political and economic change. The power struggle between neo-Soviet ruling elites and the opposition led to a civil war (1992-97) in which the neo-Soviets prevailed. Tajikistan’s post-Soviet constitution reflects the emphatic secularism of the neo-Soviets, despite the objections of the IRPT. The post-civil-war government has also enacted legislation reestablishing Soviet-style constraints on Islamic institutions and personnel and has used its power to thwart genuinely pluralistic politics. The IRPT as well as secular opposition parties have felt the effects of the rigged elections and harassment by the regime.

scholarly journals PENGARUH PROGRAM TELEVISI DETAK KEPRI DAN OPINI PUBLIK TERHADAP SIKAP PEMILIH DI KOTA BATAM

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Partahi Nando Sirait
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
News Program ◽  
People’S Attitudes

Technology in the development of the flow of production, consumption and distribution of information becomes vital. The urgency of the role of technology in information masification is also used by mass media, especially electronic mass media such as television. The development of electronic mass media to date, is also increasingly promising for all parties, not apart from the political elite who use or cooperate with the mass media crew in presenting various programs. Not only that, the news program was no less interesting to most political actors in order to generate opinions among the people themselves. As in the presidential election some time ago, the role of mass media and its news program succeeded in changing people's attitudes towards the figure of a presidential candidate. The problems and use of electronic mass media are considered to be enough to attract sympathy from the public, where in the news program on television the public can see and hear directly what is done and spoken by the political elite. And this can also give rise to responses to opinions in the community.

Interviewing the Political Elite: Navigating a Potential Minefield

Politics ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 207-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darren G. Lilleker
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Research Project ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
First Time

Conducting interviews can be a fundamentally important part of a research project that analyses the motivations and activity of those within the political process. However the logistics of interviewing are fraught with a number of serious obstacles and what information one can glean may not always serve the purpose that was originally intended. This article offers some observations gathered from conducting interviews with a wide range of political actors which is intended to help prepare all those considering interviewing for the first time.

scholarly journals The process of establishment of Roma elite. The case of Cluj.

2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-86
Author(s):  
Réka Geambașu
Keyword(s):  
Public Discourse ◽  
Social Space ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Political Dialogue ◽  
Roma Population ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Social ◽  
To Come

In Romania, the political leaders of the Roma community and the main actors from civil organizations face a particular situation. The legitimization of their leadership position ought to come neither from Roma population, nor from the non-n-Roma, but from the political elite of the majority-state who might accept or reject them as partners of political dialogue, as legitimate representatives of the Roma population. The Romanian political actors decide who or whose circle will be considered the legitimate delegate of the Roma, their attitude constituting the major determinant of the Roma elite configuration. Roma issues are thus defined from above, by outsiders who circumscribe the social space at the disposal of Roma leaders, mark their public discourse and delimit the area of their initiatives. The study of Geambaşuşu Réka sheds light on this subject by presenting the case of Cluj.

scholarly journals Kapitalisasi Modal dan Kepentingan Elit Politik (Studi Arena Perebutan Pemimpin Lokal Antara Anak Adat Moi di Kabupaten Sorong 2017)

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 104
Author(s):  
Bustamin Wahid ◽  
Mohamad Saleh Refra ◽  
La Basri
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Financial Capital ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Capital Theory ◽  
Local Leader ◽  
Practical Politics ◽  
Local Leaders

Political dynamics today is very competitive, all aspects are used as references in practical politics. For example, political elites refer to financial capital and social capital for political purposes (interest politics). The political elite in Sorong Regency makes the Moi custom as an access to legitimize sacredly for the sake of the election of local leaders. This article focused on assessing social capital and political elites in the election of local leaders, the scope of this study was in Sorong, and using social and elite capital theory as an analysis. Sorong regency is customary region of Moi tribe, custom becomes central and even big narration in election of local leader in Sorong regency. The hope and customary interests through the Moi customary council are able to fight for the rights and aspirations of Moi's indigenous peoples in determining their aspirations. To continue the aspiration of the community, the Moi custom council must make a decision through custom forum in Maladofok district of Sayosa to determine the readiness of customary man who deserve to be a leader in Sorong regency which in fact is the customary region of Moi. 

scholarly journals Latvian Migrants in Great Britain: ‘The Great Departure’, Transnational Identity and Long Distance Belonging

2019 ◽  
pp. 119-144
Author(s):  
Mārtiņš Kaprāns
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Social Context ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social

Abstract This chapter explores the transnational aspects of identity and the long distance belonging of Latvian migrants in Great Britain. In particular, it focuses on the discourses and practices of long distance belonging to Latvia. The article is based on a comparative analysis of The Emigrant Communities of Latvia survey data as well as semi-structured interviews with Latvian migrants in Great Britain. The analytical sections are organised so as to discuss the three main analytical contexts of long distance belonging: ethno-cultural, political and social. In the ethno-cultural context, migrants who identify themselves as ethnic Latvians rediscover and strengthen their links to the Latvian cultural space, its traditions and its ways of collective self-understanding. Conversely, the absence of this cultural capital among Russian-speaking migrants from Latvia advances their faster assimilation into British society. The political context of long distance belonging reveals high levels of distrust of the Latvian government and the migrants’ overall disappointment with Latvia’s political elite, as well as political apathy. Nevertheless, Latvian migrants in the United Kingdom are discovering new motivation and fresh opportunities to influence the political reality in Latvia and that has increased participation in Latvian national elections. The social context of long distance belonging, in turn, enables new forms of allegiance towards Latvia. These are manifested in philanthropic initiatives, in participation in various interest groups and in regular interest in what is happening in Latvia. The social context does not put the migrants’ activities into ethno-cultural or political frameworks, but encourages moral responsibility towards the people of Latvia.

ELITE WOMEN, SOCIAL POLITICS, AND THE POLITICAL WORLD OF LATE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND

2000 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 669-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
ELAINE CHALUS
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Social Dimension ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Politics ◽  
Social Situations ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political World ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Relationship

Political historians have recognized that politics and high society interacted in eighteenth-century England; and most would also recognize the presence of elite women in the social world of politicians. These assumptions have not, however, been subjected to much scrutiny. This article takes the social aspects of politics seriously and aims to provide an introduction to social politics – the management of people and social situations for political ends – and, specifically, to the involvement of women therein. Politics in eighteenth-century England was not just about parliament and politicians; it also had a social dimension. By expanding our understanding of politics to include social politics, we not only reintegrate women into the political world but we also reveal them to have been legitimate political actors, albeit on a non-parliamentary stage, where they played a vital part in creating and sustaining both a uniquely politicized society and the political elite itself. While specific historical circumstances combined in the eighteenth century to facilitate women's socio-political involvement, social politics is limited neither to women nor to the eighteenth century. It has wider implications for historians of all periods and calls into question the way that we conceptualize politics itself. The relationship between the obstinately nebulous arena of social politics and the traditional arena of high politics is ever-changing, but by trivializing the former we limit our ability to understand the latter.

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