Social movements and the government of Rafael Correa: confrontation or cooperation?

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Becker
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
The Government

GERAKAN SOSIAL MASYARAKAT KAMPUNG LABALUBA DESA KONTUMERE KECAMATAN KABAWO KABUPATEN MUNA TAHUN 1960-1980

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurwan Nurwan ◽  
Ali Hadara ◽  
La Batia
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Movement Process ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Village ◽  
The City

ABSTRAK: Inti pokok masalah dalam penelitian ini meliputi latar belakang gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna, Faktor-faktor yang mendorong gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna, proses gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna dan akibat gerakan sosial masyarakat Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna? Latar belakang gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba yaitu keadaan kampungnya yang hanya terdiri dari beberapa kepala keluarga tiap kampung dan jarak yang jauh masing-masing kampung membuat keadaan masyarakatnya sulit untuk berkomnikasi dan tiap kampung hanya terdiri dari lima sampai dengan tujuh kepala keluarga saja. Kampung ini letaknya paling timur pulau Muna terbentang dari ujung kota Raha sekarang sampai kampung Wakuru yang saat ini. Kondisi ini juga yang menjadi salah satu faktor penyebab kampung ini kurang berkembang baik dibidang ekonomi, sosial politik, pendidikan maupun di bidang kebudayaan. Keadaan ini diperparah lagi dengan sifat dan karakter penduduknya yang masih sangat primitif. Faktor yang mendorong adanya gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna adalah adanya ketidaksesuaian antara keinginan pemerintah setempat dan masyarakat yang mendiami Kampung Labaluba pada waktu itu. Sedangkan proses gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna bermula ketika pemerintah seolah memaksakan kehendaknya kepada rakyat yang menyebabkan rakyat tidak setuju dengan kebijakan tersebut. Akibat yang ditimbulkan dari adanya gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna terbagi dua yaitu akibat positif dan akibat negatif.Kata Kunci: Gerakan Sosial, Factor dan Dampaknya ABSTRACT: The main issues in this study include the background of the social movement of Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District, Muna District, Factors that encourage social movements of Labaluba Kampung Sub-village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District, Muna District, the social movement process of Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District Muna Regency and due to Labaluba community social movements Kontumere Village Kabawo District Muna Regency? The background of the Labaluba Kampung community social movement is that the condition of the village consists of only a few heads of households per village and the distance of each village makes it difficult for the community to communicate and each village only consists of five to seven households. This village is located east of the island of Muna stretching from the edge of the city of Raha now to the current village of Wakuru. This condition is also one of the factors causing the village to be less developed in the economic, social political, educational and cultural fields. This situation is made worse by the very primitive nature and character of the population. The factor that motivated the existence of the social movement of Labaluba Village in Kontumere Village, Kabawo Subdistrict, Muna Regency was the mismatch between the wishes of the local government and the people who inhabited Labaluba Village at that time. While the process of social movements in Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo District, Muna Regency began when the government seemed to impose its will on the people, causing the people to disagree with the policy. The consequences arising from the existence of social movements in Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo District, Muna Regency are divided into two, namely positive and negative effects. Keywords: Social Movements, Factors and their Impacts

Political Opportunity Structure, Contentious Social Movements, and State-Based Organizations: The Fight against Solidarity inside the Polish United Workers Party

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 359-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack M. Bloom
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
The State ◽  
Reform Movement ◽  
Political Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Opportunity Structure ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

Studies of social movements have often focused on the role of the state vis-à-vis social movements—in recent times using the concept of political opportunity structure to understand the options available to social movements. This article examines the internal conflicts within the ruling party in Communist Poland to show that a reciprocal process proceeded, in which both the social movement and the state found the choices of action available to them limited by the other, rather than just the social movement. The social upheaval that impacted the entire country brought about the rise of a reform movement within the ruling Polish United Workers Party, which prevented the government from acting as it preferred for a significant period of time. That reform movement, which would not have existed without Solidarity and certainly would not have brought about intraparty changes by itself, saw itself as connected to and dependent upon Solidarity. Party conservatives had to respond to and overcome the reformers before they could turn their full attention to ending the challenge Solidarity presented to the Communist system. In effect, for a time, Solidarity limited the political opportunity structure of the state, while the reverse was also true. While social movement scholars have long considered the possibilities and the limits on possibilities available to social movements because of the state or other external circumstances, this experience demonstrates that similar considerations must sometimes be contemplated with respect to the state.

scholarly journals Community Empowerment Model Based on Islamic Education Institutions

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Muhammad Imam Hanif ◽  
Zulfa Mutakin
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Critical Issue ◽  
Community Empowerment ◽  
Islamic Education ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
Developmental Issues ◽  
Model Based ◽  
Empowerment Model ◽  
The Government

The problem of community empowerment, especially among the middle class, is a critical issue for the government in achieving the success of the development. If in the early 1970s few social movements and government groups were actively concerned and capable of dealing with developmental issues, now the situation is much in tandem with the establishment of thousands of NGOs (non-governmental organisations). The emergence of one of the typologies of non-governmental organisations with the background of Islamic educational institutions involving Kiai and several santri as the backbone of the organisation became one of the forms of innovation of Islamic educational institutions which aimed to empower the community. One of the NGOs with Islamic education background is the Pesantren and Society Development Bureau (BPPM) Pesantren Maslakul Huda (PMH) Kajen Margoyoso Pati founded by Kiai M.A Sahal Mahfudh who is active in community empowerment action in the country.Masalah pemberdayaan masyarakat terutama masyarakat kalangan menengah kebawah merupakan masalah yang sangat penting bagi pemerintah dalam mencapai keberhasilan pembangunan. Jika pada awal tahun 1970-an hanya sedikit gerakan sosial dan kelompok pemerintah yang secara aktif peduli dan mampu menangani masalah pembangunan, kini keadaan tersebut sudah jauh berbeda dengan berdirinya ribuan Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat (LSM). Munculnya salah satu tipologi LSM yang berlatar belakang lembaga pendidikan Islam dengan melibatkan Kiai serta sejumlah santri sebagai tulang punggung organisasi, menjadi salah satu bentuk inovasi lembaga pendidikan Islam yang bertujuan untuk memberdayakan masyarakat. Salah satu LSM yang berlatarbelakang lembaga pendidikan islam adalah Biro Pengembangan Pesantren dan Masyarakat (BPPM) Pesantren Maslakul Huda (PMH) Kajen Margoyoso Pati, Jawa Tengah yang didirikan oleh Kiai M.A Sahal Mahfudh yang berkiprah dalam aksi pemberdayaan masyarakat di Tanah Air.

scholarly journals Shaping a township: self-connecting as �counter conduct� in Umlazi, Durban

2021 ◽  
Vol 9s11 ◽  
pp. 93-106
Author(s):  
Shauna Mottiar
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Qualitative Study ◽  
Service Delivery ◽  
Service Provision ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
Self Service ◽  
The Government

South Africa has high levels of protest. Protest actions are frequently linked to demands for �service delivery�, specifically the lack of access to housing, water and electricity in poor neighbourhoods. As a result, residents in these areas have resorted to informal, self-service provision in the form of illegal water and electricity connections. These self-services have assumed two narratives: the first, in official circles, as criminalised activities; and the second, by protestors and social movements, as gaining basic social rights. This article examines the various methods of �illegal� water and electricity connections in the township of Umlazi, situated in Durban, South Africa. It draws on �counter conduct� to understand illegal connections as �diffuse and subdued forms of resistance�. Techniques of counter conduct by Umlazi residents resist both forms and quantities of service provision through the act of self-connecting. Self-connections use the government�s own techniques against it while adopting its own governmentality. The article is based on a qualitative study comprising interviews with householders of Emhlabeni, Umlazi Section D.

Israel’s LGBT Movement and Interest Groups

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gilly Hartal
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Social Services ◽  
Urban Space ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Continuous Process ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Tel Aviv ◽  
The Government

The decriminalization of sodomy in Israel in 1988 transformed the political opportunity structure and heralded the local gay legal revolution that manifested in legal amendments, social movements, and the emergence of a flourishing, normative LGBT culture. Most activities were based in Tel Aviv with additional, scattered movements in other major Israeli cities. Since 1988, ongoing legal and political work have been taking place, with emphasis on a politics of assimilation. The Israeli LGBT social movements fit into a general trend of NGO-ization, by which organizations provide social services and endorse a national identity as a part of neoliberal governmentality. Palestinian movements and pro-BDS activists, however, do not participate in this co-option and assimilation process, resulting in deep segmentation of LGBT politics. Through this process, some LGBT social movements participate in and benefit from institutionalized encouragement and approval, while others protest state agenda and politics and work independently, exposing the central role homonationalism plays for Israeli LGBT movements and interest groups. Israeli homonationalism was induced through a continuous process of mainstreaming that was intensified by violent incidents that had major consequences for LGBT social movements in Israel. This violence broadened the scope of social movements’ activism and influenced public opinion on LGBT issues as well as politicians’ public support of LGBTs. As a result of these incidents, relationships between state authorities, municipalities, community activism, and LGBT social movements in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem have changed dramatically. LGBT social movements in Tel Aviv used the municipal administration and urban space to transform the cultural and symbolic value of LGBT subjectivity, culture, and discourse, securing their dominance within the local arena. This local power, as revealed in the case of gay tourism to Tel Aviv, reshaped the capacity to negotiate with the government, creating an additional lobby for LGBT resources. Two currents dominating LGBT discourses have considerably influenced Israeli LGBT social movements’ goals, agendas, practices, achievements, and networks: NGO-ization and homonationalism. Specifically, their interlacing with Israeli neoliberalism influenced LGBT movements’ power to motivate change. The analysis of Israeli LGBT social movements traces major milestones, from the early stages in the 1980s to the 21st-century period of homonationalism, but it also challenges homonationalism as an invariable situation. Rather, new challenges galvanize new politics and power structures for LGBT social movements and for their endorsement by municipalities and the national government. The neoliberal perspective reveals that LGBT social movements keep on working, growing, and becoming more institutionalized and normalized. This, however, does not reflect greater power by LGBT social movements but rather the privatization of the state, enabling LGBT social movements to step into niches once under the government’s exclusive responsibility. Therefore, in the 21st century, the value and valuation of LGBT subjects is established not so much by social movements’ work but via economic and urban power, reflecting a “post-homonationalist” mode.

scholarly journals The Incorporation of Social Organizations under the MAS in Bolivia

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 76-95
Author(s):  
Angus McNelly
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Organizations ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Social Bases ◽  
The Government ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

By drawing on the theoretical framework of the second incorporation of heterogeneous social organizations by progressive governments through informal contestation and/or technocratic implementation of their demands in Latin America, this article argues that the first presidential term of Evo Morales in Bolivia (2006–2009) was marked by the incorporation of combative social movements through both a multidimensional co-optation of movements and the technocratic competition of the central movement demands for the nationalization of gas and the rewriting of the constitution through a constituent assembly. However, by 2010, this incorporation had stripped social movements of their ability to mobilize for change and the political conjuncture had shifted, making the government less dependent on its social bases to maintain political stability. This simultaneously transformed movements into defensive movements protecting the gains from the previous period and state–social-movement relations into informal contestatory regimes in which movements could only struggle against proposed political agendas. En base a un marco teórico que abarca la segunda incorporación de organizaciones sociales heterogéneas por parte de gobiernos progresistas a través de la contestación informal y/o la implementación tecnocrática de sus demandas en América Latina, un análisis del proyecto político de Evo Morales en Bolivia sostiene que su primer mandato presidencial se vio caracterizado por la incorporación de movimientos sociales combativos a través de una cooptación multidimensional de dichos movimientos y la competencia tecnocrática de las demandas del movimiento central en torno a la nacionalización del gas y la modificación de la constitución por una asamblea constituyente. Sin embargo, para 2010, esta incorporación había despojado a los movimientos sociales de su capacidad de movilizarse a favor del cambio y la coyuntura política había cambiado, haciendo que el gobierno dependiera menos de sus bases sociales para mantener la estabilidad política. Esto transformó a los movimientos en entidades defensivas dedicadas a proteger las ganancias del período anterior y las relaciones entre el estado y los movimientos sociales en regímenes informales de impugnación dentro de los cuales los movimientos mismos sólo podían luchar contra las agendas políticas propuestas.

Protest graffiti, social movements and changing participation frameworks

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hong Zhang ◽  
Brian Hok-Shing Chan
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Longitudinal Data ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Visual Representation ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Written Discourse ◽  
Cultural Discourses ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Participation Frameworks

Abstract As a type of written discourse without guaranteed readership and response, protest graffiti nonetheless projects a participation framework in which protesters address different participants, including not only the government but also other potential ‘participants’ in the social/cultural/political context. This paper studies a dataset of graffiti associated with a protest movement in Macao, China. A survey of the longitudinal data reveals that the contents and visual representation of the graffiti have changed to reflect evolving participation frameworks which are in response to different stages of social movements. While graffiti in earlier stages tends to be more accusatory and anti-governmental, graffiti in later stages shows a shift of protesters’ position more in alignment with patriotism and allegiance to authority. Instead of presenting views competing with mainstream political discourse, our data, with their multimodal resources, draw heavily on Chinese cultural discourses which are supposedly shared among the protesters and addressees in this context.

Pandora Papers complicate Lasso presidency in Ecuador

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government ◽  
Full Investigation

Significance The move follows the ‘Pandora Papers’ leak on October 3, which disclosed information on numerous political figures around the world. The revelations come during a period of tension between Ecuador’s executive and legislature. Lasso denies any wrongdoing and says he has nothing to hide. Impacts The Pandora Papers revelations will increase tensions between the executive and legislature and could derail planned economic reforms. The news will reduce the already slim possibility of the government reaching agreements with social movements, fuelling popular protests. Probes into Chilean President Sebastian Pinera will encourage Lasso’s opponents to push for a full investigation into his tax affairs.

scholarly journals The Dynamics of Oil and Social Movements in the Niger Delta of Nigeria

2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Ojakorotu
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Niger Delta ◽  
Oil Production ◽  
River Delta ◽  
Local People ◽  
Heavy Burden ◽  
Niger River ◽  
The Government

The discovery of oil in Nigeria since 1956 has inflicted a heavy burden on the local people of the Niger River Delta who have had to contend with the consequences of oil production. The grievances of these local people have persisted for more than three decades without concrete efforts on the part of the government or oil multinationals to address them. The global triumph of capitalism and the fall of communism gave the local people an opportunity to organize social movements with similar interests to international civil society to challenge the policies of successive governments and the activities of oil multinationals in the Niger Delta. This paper addresses the factors that led to a sudden upsurge in the number of social movements in the Niger Delta and how foreign NGOs have played an important role in addressing the plight of the local people of the region.

To be prepared when the time has come: Argentina’s new media regulation and the social movement for democratizing broadcasting

2012 ◽  
Vol 34 (5) ◽  
pp. 588-605 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christof Mauersberger
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
New Media ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Model Case ◽  
Media Companies ◽  
Media Regulation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Conservative Media

Concentrated and usually conservative media are characteristic of Latin American countries, and at the same time these structures undermine meaningful democracy. Given the political influence of large media conglomerates, even most center-left governments are reluctant to limit the power of influential companies. Argentina, however, passed a new comprehensive media law in 2009 designed to democratize the media sector. This article traces the origins of the law and analyzes the strategies of the actors involved, with the focus resting on the roles of social movements and large media companies. The article then presents the main features of the new regulation that social movements now take as a model case for other countries. I argue that the new law originates from an unusually participatory legislative process and furthers the democratization of communication. The passage of this law is explained through the associational capabilities of the movement, the potent framing of media regulation as a matter of democracy and the changing media–state dynamics that disrupted the long-standing mutually supporting ties between the dominant Clarín Group and the government.

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