scholarly journals Guinea

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (111) ◽  
Author(s):  

Real growth is expected at 5.8 percent in 2020, supported by rebounding mining production and investment-led construction activity. Legislative elections and a referendum for a new constitution will be held in March and presidential elections by end-year. Protests against the referendum are ongoing. Risks of political and social instability are high. Covid-19. The baseline scenario is based on the initial global downward revisions to growth due to the COVID-19 outbreak and assumes no outbreak in Guinea. As of March 10, 2020, there was no declared coronavirus case in Guinea. As the situation evolves, the country authorities and staff are keeping a close watch on macroeconomic developments, needed policy responses, and their impact on financing needs.

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (275) ◽  
Author(s):  

Guinea’s strong growth momentum continues. Real growth is estimated at 5.8 percent in 2018 and expected at about 6 percent in 2019–20. The social context remains fragile. Social unrest, strikes and protests marred 2018. While strikes have subsided so far in 2019, political and social tensions are intensifying due to delays in the legislative elections and questions related to the 2020 presidential elections.


2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-72
Author(s):  
Luky Sandra Amalia ◽  
Aisah Putri Budiatri ◽  
Mouliza KD. Sweinstani ◽  
Atika Nur Kusumaningtyas ◽  
Esty Ekawati

In the 2019 election, the proportion of women elected to Indonesia’s People’s Representative Assembly ( Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) increased significantly to almost 21 per cent. In this article, we ask whether an institutional innovation – the introduction of simultaneous presidential and legislative elections – contributed to this change. We examine the election results, demonstrating that, overall, women candidates did particularly well in provinces where the presidential candidate nominated by their party won a majority of the vote. Having established quantitatively a connection between results of the presidential elections and outcomes for women legislative candidates, we turn to our qualitative findings to seek a mechanism explaining this outcome. We argue that the simultaneous elections helped women candidates by easing their access to voters who supported one of the presidential candidates, but who were undecided on the legislative election. Rather than imposing additional burdens on female candidates, simultaneous elections assisted them.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 469-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abel François ◽  
Julien Navarro

AbstractThis paper studies the relationship between incumbent MPs’ activities and their electoral fortune. We address this question in the context of the French political system characterized by an executive domination, a candidate-centered electoral system, and an electoral schedule maximizing the impact of the presidential elections. Given the contradictory influence of these three institutional features on the relationship between MPs’ activities and electoral results, the overall link can only be assessed empirically. We test the effects of several measurements of MPs’ activities on both their vote share and reelection probability in the 2007 legislative election. We show that MPs’ activities are differently correlated to both the incumbents’ vote shares in the first round and their reelection. Despite the weakness of the French National Assembly, several parliamentary activities, especially bill initiation, have a significant effect on MPs’ electoral prospects.


2017 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 541-559 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Carreras

Previous studies of voter turnout in Latin America have found weak and inconsistent evidence for the link between political institutions and electoral participation. In this article, I use data from an expanded dataset of voter turnout in Latin America (1980–2016) to show that institutions do have an impact on citizens’ decisions on whether or not to participate in concurrent elections. Whereas previous studies analyzed the effect of legislative institutions on voter turnout, this article estimates a series of models that demonstrate the impact of presidential institutions and the political context surrounding presidential elections on electoral participation. The findings suggest that when first-order (presidential) and second-order (legislative) elections take place concurrently, electoral participation is influenced primarily by presidential institutions (term length, presidential powers, and electoral rules) and the electoral context in which the presidential elections take place (effective number of presidential candidates).


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sodikin Sodikin

This article discuss the implementating general election in Islamic law, both the legislative elections, elections of regional heads and presidential elections. Indonesian elections in accordance with the mechanism of the western democracies, so that the election is the only way in choosing representatives and leaders. In the Islamic view of the elections is not the only way but one of the ways to choose a government or leader. Elections according to the Islamic view of the law may permissible, but must be in accordance with the implementation of sharia, not using a mechanical cause many western democracies not helpful.DOI: 10.15408/ajis.v15i1.2848


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (316) ◽  
Author(s):  

Real growth is expected to reach 5.2 percent in 2020 as the severe impact of the pandemic in the country was partially mitigated by a resilient mining sector. Presidential elections were held on October 18, giving President Condé an outright victory. Such results were contested by the opposition and followed by violent demonstrations and unrest. Since the Constitutional Court validated the electoral results on November 7, the situation has remained calm.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 154
Author(s):  
T Mairizal Mairizal

Discourse on the concept of government is always being a lactual issue in Indonesia, especially in the lead up to regional elections or presidential elections. But essentially legislative elections cannot be ignored, each contestant in the general election competes to attract the votes of the people without regard to their spiritual competence. In this case, Alquran has formulated the basic concept of the government system. And this article tries to describe these basic concepts by using thematic and semantic approaches. By tracing various relevant terms, at least the Alquran uses awliya', khalifah, and ulil amri terms. These terms show leadership includes the executive and legislature. To be a leader in a government, at least professional competence and physical abilities are needed. The stability of a government depends absolutely on the ability of the leader to carry out his obligations. Although religious status is still disputed, but as long as it is not related to the divine aspect, the people must obey the leader even though many things are not liked by him


Significance Khalifa Sall is currently in jail on remand, accused of embezzlement. His supporters claim the case is politically motivated on the part of President Macky Sall (no relation), who fears a challenge from the mayor in July's legislative elections and the 2019 presidential elections. The mayor’s individual political strategy has encountered resistance from the leadership of his own party, the Socialist Party (PS), who remain loyal to the ruling coalition headed by the incumbent. Impacts If convicted, Khalifa Sall could lose the right to hold elected office as mayor or potentially a member of parliament. A strong showing from the mayor's allies could see the governing BBY alliance suffer significant losses in the legislative elections. The influential leader of the Tidianes religious brotherhood could prove crucial to calming political tensions.


2012 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rui Graça Feijó

Timor-Leste rose to independence following a path that included three electoral processes organized under the auspices of the UN and has thus got elections imprinted on its own genetic code. After independence, the responsibility for electoral processes – a key aspect of the sovereignty of the Timorese people – was passed to the nation's authorities, who organized two full rounds of presidential and legislative elections in 2007 and 2012 with the assistance of the international community. This effort constitutes a major element in the process of granting the new regime internal and external legitimacy and at the same time is a response both to citizens’ perception of the political game in order to secure their empowerment and to the call for transparent, internationally acknowledged procedures. Initially, this essay analyses the legal and administrative framework for Timorese elections, bearing these competing requirements in mind. It then focuses on the 2012 elections: first, on the two rounds of presidential elections, including the intricate relationship between presidential candidacies and political parties, and then on the results of the legislative poll, which had a major impact on the political landscape. The final section deals with the challenges that lie ahead for the coming political cycle (2012–2017).


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. p34
Author(s):  
Budhy Prianto ◽  
Dwi Suharnoko

In the democratic countries, political party acts as mediator bridging communication between government and its citizens. The decline of political party taking place before and after the 2014 and 2019 presidential elections and legislative elections certainly affects the political parties in carrying out their roles. Conducted in Malang, objective of this study is to describe factors contributing declining image of political parties and its implications. The findings showed that image of political parties are deteriorating due to lack of trust towards the political parties and politicians in the parliament. The Decree on direct vote system for both presidential and regional head election and establishment of an open proportional system in legislative election also contribute to the deterioration. Implications of the phenomenon are negative attitude and declining interest towards political party.


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