scholarly journals PROBLEMATIKA HUKUM FUNGSI REKRUITMEN ORGANISASI SAYAP PARTAI POLITIK

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 102-112
Author(s):  
Abd. Rais Asmar

The success of the performance of the political recruitment function by Political Parties departs from its cadre mechanism. This is supported by the regeneration of a good and responsible wing organization of political parties. This study aims to determine legal problems related to the function of the wing organization of political parties. The type of research in this writing is normative legal research, with a statutory approach and a literature approach. This research examines the laws and regulations on political parties and related legal norms. The data used are secondary data consisting of primary and secondary legal materials. Primary legal materials are in the form of Law Number 2 of 2008 concerning Political Parties, while secondary legal materials are in the form of books, journals and articles related to the topic of the problem. The results showed that there were still several problems, such as the lack of rules governing the Organization of the Political Party Wing and the activities of cadres related to their location and background.

Author(s):  
Muhammad Yusrizal Adi Syaputra

The political party's position as a determinant of government head nomination in Indonesia made the political party a central and strong role in the determination of the Cabinet in the presidential government of Indonesia and allowed the political party to determine the Cabinet domination established by the President elected. This research aims to determine the model of the presidential institution strengthening in the multi-party era in Indonesia and to know the political and juridical construction of the presidential institution in determining the cabinet in Indonesia. The method used is a normative legal research method with a conceptual approach. The results of this research are, firstly that the strengthening of the presidential institution in the multi-party era can occur when done with the restriction of political parties through the mechanism of the parliamentary threshold. Secondly, that the political construction of the cabinet determination by the President is based on the coalition of political party supporters of the government, and the juridical construction of the President may elect the Minister of the party proposal because it is based on article 6A paragraph (2) The Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia 1945. Kedudukan partai politik sebagai penentu pencalonan kepala pemerintahan di Indonesia menjadikan Partai Politik memiliki peran sentral dan kuat dalam penentuan kabinet di Pemerintahan Presidentiil Indonesia dan memungkinkan partai politik untuk menentukan dominasi kabinet yang dibentuk oleh Presiden terpilih. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui model penguatan lembaga kepresidenan pada era multi partai di Indonesia, dan untuk mengetahui konstruksi politis dan yuridis lembaga kepresidenan dalam menentukan kabinet di Indonesia. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian hukum normatif dengan pendekatan konseptual. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa pertama, penguatan lembaga kepresidenan di era multi partai dapat terjadi apabila dilakukan dengan pembatasan partai politik melalui mekanisme parlementary threshold. Kedua, bahwa konstruksi politis penentuan kabinet oleh presiden didasarkan atas koalisi partai politik pendukung pemerintahan, dan konstruksi yuridis presiden dapat memilih menteri dari usulan partai karena didasarkan pada Pasal 6A ayat (2) UUD 1945.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-120
Author(s):  
Galih Raka Siwi ◽  
Reviansyah Erlianto ◽  
Maharani Nurdin

The existence of local political parties in Indonesia is a tangible form of the existence of special autonomy in a certain area. The specificity of a certain area is regulated in the 1945 Constitution Article 18B paragraph (1). In addition, the formation of local political parties is one of the human rights in the political field, as stated in Article 28E paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution. The research method uses a normative juridical approach with secondary data and analyzed descriptively qualitatively. Based on research, Papua Province has the right to form political parties (see Article 28 paragraph (1) of the Papua Province Special Autonomy Law). However, the phrase "political party" is considered to have multiple interpretations, thus creating legal uncertainty. Through the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 41/PUU-XVII/2019, the legal uncertainty can be guaranteed by the Constitutional Court Decision. In the future, by looking at the background and real needs of the Papua Province, it is possible to form a Local Political Party in the Papua Province, considering the condition of the Papua Province as a special autonomous region.Partai politik lokal di Indonesia merupakan wujud nyata adanya otonomi khusus di suatu daerah. Kekhususan suatu daerah diatur dalam UUD 1945 Pasal 18B ayat (1). Selain itu, pembentukan partai politik lokal merupakan salah satu hak asasi manusia di bidang politik, sebagaimana tercantum dalam Pasal 28E ayat (3) UUD 1945. Metode penelitian menggunakan pendekatan yuridis normatif dengan data sekunder dan dianalisis secara deskriptif kualitatif. Berdasarkan penelitian, Provinsi Papua berhak membentuk partai politik (lihat Pasal 28 ayat (1) UU Otsus Provinsi Papua). Namun, ungkapan “partai politik” dianggap memiliki multitafsir sehingga menimbulkan ketidakpastian hukum. Melalui putusan MK Nomor 41/PUU-XVII/2019, ketidakpastian hukum dapat dijamin oleh Putusan MK tersebut. Ke depan, dengan melihat latar belakang dan kebutuhan riil Provinsi Papua, dimung­kinkan dibentuknya Partai Politik Lokal di Provinsi Papua, mengingat kondisi Provinsi Papua sebagai daerah otonomi khusus.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 125-131
Author(s):  
Mia Siratni

Bawaslu resolves by deliberation by bringing together the disputing parties to then take a final and binding decision. The final and binding nature of this Bawaslu decision does not apply to certain disputes, namely the dispute over the verification of political parties participating in the General Election and the determination of the final list of candidates for the election of members of the DPR, DPD, and DPRD. The existence of these two characteristics of Bawaslu's decision then led to different interpretations between Bawaslu and the KPU. The formulation of the problem, namely 1). The authority of Bawaslu in resolving election disputes regarding the task of supervising the implementation of elections, 2). The nature of Bawaslu's decisions in resolving election disputes. The research method used in this paper is normative juridical, namely an approach to legal norms or applicable laws and regulations, theories, and history. From the discussion of the problem, it is concluded that a decision that is final and binding is given to Bawaslu by law in order to end election disputes so that it will show the role of Bawaslu as a unified function of organizing elections. Meanwhile, exceptions to the nature of final and binding decisions on political party verification disputes and the permanent list of candidates for members of the DPR, DPD, and DPRD indicate that Bawaslu is not a judicial institution, so it cannot decide disputes related to constitutional rights as election participants.


Author(s):  
Prima Sophia Gusman ◽  
Oce Madril

This research aims to analyze the criteria of political parties’ criminal liability on corruption criminal offense and the obstacles of law enforcement. It also aims to analyze the regulations and its application in the future. This is normative research that uses literature review. It analyzes secondary data in the form of primary, secondary, and tertiary legal materials. The research results show: (1) criminal liability of political parties in corruption cases may only be demanded if the crime is carried out in the name of the political parties or if it is based on a mandate of that party; (2) the juridical factors which inhibits criminalization of political parties include the corruption regulations’ incapability to penalize them, there are contradictive legal norms between that of corporations and political parties, and that not all corporate criminal sanctions may be imposed to political parties; and (3) it is hoped that the legal regulations on corruption may categorize political parties as corporations, to give a deterrent effect to political parties involved in corruption.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 695
Author(s):  
Bayu Dwi Anggono

Penerapan Pancasila sebagai cita hukum bangsa Indonesia dan sekaligus sumber segala sumber hukum negara masih menghadapi sejumlah permasalahan salah satunya kemauan politik pembentuk peraturan perundang-undangan yang merupakan anggota Partai politik. Akibat pembentukan yang tidak bersumber pada Pancasila maka peraturan perundang-undangan yang diberlakukan di pusat maupun daerah menimbulkan permasalahan. Permasalahan yang dibahas dalam tulisan ini mengenai cara meningkatkan peran partai politik untuk mewujudkan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berdasarkan kepada nilai-nilai Pancasila. Metode pendekatan yang dipergunakan dalam tulisan ini adalah dengan pendekatan konseptual, dengan mendasarkan pada kedudukan Pancasila sebagai cita hukum, serta fungsi partai politik dalam negara demokratis. Temuan yang didapat yaitu fungsi legislasi sering dikesampingkan dibanding fungsi pengawasan dan anggaran, politik mayoritas menjadi dasar pemikiran para pembuat peraturan perundang-undangan dan bukan ukuran ideologi atau konstitusional, pragmatisme perekrutan calon anggota parlemen, serta adanya perilaku korupsi legislasi. Untuk meningkatkan peran partai politik mewujudkan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berdasarkan pada Pancasila dapat dilakukan dengan cara mewajibkan Parpol di semua tingkatan menyusun desain politik legislasi dalam masa kampanye Pemilu, kepengurusan Parpol dibagi ke dalam 3 (tiga) komponen salah satunya calon anggota lembaga perwakilan, ketegasan Parpol untuk menarik atau mengganti anggotanya di lembaga perwakilan yang lalai dalam menjalankan politik legislasi Pancasila, memasukkan kurikulum pendidikan Pancasila dalam pengkaderan anggota Parpol secara berjenjang dan berkelanjutan, dan negara segera membuat panduan atau pedoman sebagai dokumen resmi dalam menafsirkan dan memahami sila-sila Pancasila.The application of Pancasila as the legal idealsm of the Indonesia and as the source of all legal sources still dealing with some problems, one of which were the political will of laws and regulations maker which are the members of political parties. As a result of the formation that does not originate from Pancasila, the laws and regulations that are enforced at the central and regional levels cause problems. The issues discussed in this paper are about how to increase the role of political parties to refine laws and regulations based on Pancasila values. The method of approach used in this paper is a conceptual approach, based on the standing of the Pancasila as a legal idealism, as well as the function of political parties in a democratic country. The findings obtained are that the legislative function is often ruled out compared to the controlling and budgeting functions, political majorities become the rationale for legislators and not ideological or constitutional measures, pragmatism for recruiting parliament candidates, and the existence of corrupt behaviour in the legislation. To increase the role of political parties in refining laws and regulations based on Pancasila can be done by requiring the political parties at all levels to construct political legislation design in the election campaign period, management of political parties are divided into three (3) components one of which members of the legislature candidate, the firmness of political parties to withdraw or change the members in the legislature that fail to implement the Pancasila political legislation, including the Pancasila education curriculum in the cadre of political party members gradually and continuously, and the state immediately made guidelines as official documents in interpreting and understanding the Pancasila principles.


SASI ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 475
Author(s):  
Septi Nur Wijayanti ◽  
Kelik Iswandi

The political parties that emerge in Indonesia have a distinct catch-all character; they are dependent on individual figures and lack a defined socioeconomic foundation. For political parties, the regeneration process has become a struggle. Because certain political parties lack a clear regeneration system, oligarchic recruiting is a common occurrence. Religious affiliations, local links, local commonalities, and proximity to political party leaders all have a role in recruitment trends. This research aims to explain the role of the under bow of the political party on regeneration. This is a legal-normative study that relies on secondary data. The research material is divided into three categories: primary, secondary, and tertiary. The following factors, according to this study, influence political party regeneration and recruitment: 1) political dynasty has an impact on unhealthy regeneration; 2) political dowry has an impact on unhealthy competition among political party members; and 3) popularity factor has an impact on how quickly people can become political party members. Political parties' inability to recruit and regenerate has an impact on their capacity to fulfill their role as the primary source of national leadership selection. Alternative solutions to these problems include strengthening the under bow of political parties. The existence of under bow of political parties will aid in the transmission of political party doctrine. Political parties will be rewarded with the best members who will fight for their vision and goals. Furthermore, the under bow of political parties can serve as educational institutions for potential members before they join the party.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 859-865
Author(s):  
M. Harun ◽  
Nyoman Serikat Putra Jaya ◽  
R.B Sularto

This study tries to analyze the criminal liability of political parties in the Political Party Law and the Election Law in Indonesia, as well as conceptualize the renewal of the criminal liability of political parties. This research includes normative legal research, with the type of data used in this study is qualitative data. The results of the study indicate that political parties are corporations that can and are capable of being held criminally responsible, as seen in Law Number 2 of 2008 as amended by Law Number 2 of 2011 concerning Political Parties. Criminal liability can be further regulated by imposing it on individual legal subjects. As a conceptualization of the renewal of the criminal responsibility of political parties, it is necessary to define the affirmation of political parties as the subject of criminal acts, sanctions and types of criminal acts, special punishment rules, and reasons for the elimination of a prosecution.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 1 introduces the long and difficult process of the theoretical legitimation of the political party as such. The analysis of the meaning and acceptance of ‘parties’ as tools of expressing contrasting visions moves forward from ancient Greece and Rome where (democratic) politics had first become a matter of speculation and practice, and ends up with the first cautious acceptance of parties by eighteenth-century British thinkers. The chapter explores how parties or factions have been constantly considered tools of division of the ‘common wealth’ and the ‘good society’. The holist and monist vision of a harmonious and compounded society, stigmatized parties and factions as an ultimate danger for the political community. Only when a new way of thinking, that is liberalism, emerged, was room for the acceptance of parties set.


Author(s):  
Benjamin von dem Berge ◽  
Thomas Poguntke

This chapter introduces a new, two-dimensional way of measuring intra-party democracy (IPD). It is argued that assembly-based IPD and plebiscitary IPD are two theoretically different modes of intra-party decision-making. Assembly-based IPD means that discussion and decision over a certain topic takes place at the same time. Plebiscitary IPD disconnects the act of voting from the discussion over the alternatives that are put to a vote. In addition, some parties have opened up plebiscitary decision-making to non-members which is captured by the concept of open plebiscitary IPD. Based on the Political Party Database Project (PPDB) dataset, indices are developed for the three variants of IPD. The empirical analyses here show that assembly-based and plebiscitary IPD are combined by political parties in different ways while open party plebiscites are currently a rare exception.


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