scholarly journals Decentralization Reforms in Pakistan During Ayub and Zia Era

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Razia Musarrat ◽  
Muhammad Salman Azhar

Since independence federal central administrative setup i.e. concept of centralized power of administration had been the theme for Pakistan. This system was neither responsive nor participative to the people of Pakistan. As a result the resentment for this system increased with the passage of time. To address the issue, many “new” ideas were experienced both at federal and local levels, but the grudges of the public could not be minimized. The system of local government was neglected in the first decade after independence mainly because of the political instability. General Ayub Khan’s Basic Democracies system was the first step that was taken towards decentralization. This system ended with the regime itself. In Zia regime, the Local Government Ordinance of 1979 was introduced. General Ayub Khan’s Basic Democracies system was revived and implemented with a new structure. Military leadership for the sake to gain political legitimacy, planned, encouraged and institutionalized local government institution. Keeping all this in view this article presents detailed historic analysis of decentralization from the political history of Pakistan. The two major eras i.e. General Ayub Khan and General Zia-ul-Haq are analysed in the context of the decentralization and devolution reforms and their implications over the political system of Pakistan.

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-91
Author(s):  
Maskuri Maskuri

In the history of Indonesian, education policy has always been dynamic. Before independence until the reform era of education policy can not be separated from the political system. We know that education policy as part of education policy is a political product. Political configuration in every era of state political leadership has always changed according to the political wind and the configuration of political rulers. However, forces outside the governance system, such as educational community groups, will give color to the education system. When the political system demands the centralization of power, the education system will also concentrate on a centralized government. With the flow of reforms, it has spawned many changes in the education system. Several articles, even the law which, according to the public, lack attention to the aspect of education itself, are sued to the Constitutional Court. Along with the policy of regional autonomy, education policy must be able to adjust to the development of society in autonomous regions. This necessarily requires the creativity of leaders in the region in terms of promoting education in the region in accordance with the aspirations of the community.


1988 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrich Klöti

WHEN SWISS CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS SPECIAL ISSUE LIMIT themselves to the presentation of a picture of modern Switzerland and leave it to the public to decide whether they want to learn something from the Swiss experience, two problems remain unsolved. First, in Switzerland we have neglected to some extent the analysis of the structures and the processes of the political system. We know more about the history of our political institutions than we do about their actual functioning. Normative theory is better developed than empirical research. This leads to the second problem: as many questions concerning the mechanics of the system are not answered in a sufficiently clear way, interpretations of the Confederatia Helvetica differ considerably between various analysts.


Author(s):  
Wang Shaoguang

This chapter criticizes the emphasis on privatization, the destruction of the Maoist-style emphasis on social welfare, and the growing gap between rich and poor. It argues that more needs to be done to combat the inequalities generated by capitalist modernization in China. Political legitimacy is not something to be defined by moral philosophers in total abstraction from the political reality. Rather, it is a matter of whether or not a political system faces a crisis of legitimacy depends on whether the people who live there doubt the rightness of its power, and whether they consider it the appropriate system for their country. The chapter ultimately endorses a definition of legitimacy as the legitimacy of the popular will.


Author(s):  
Callie Williamson

During most of the Republic, the Romans viewed only perduellio as a threat to state security. Other threats were dealt with through institutionalised mechanisms of stability in Rome’s political structure, above all through the public lawmaking assemblies. Only when the political system wavered in the late Republic did the Romans criminalise “diminishing the superiority of the Roman people” maiestas populi Romani minuta (maiestas) as a crime against the state. Inherent in maiestas is the authority of the Roman people to negotiate consensus through the public lawmaking process in which the people voiced their commands. During the Empire, the emperor embodied the superiority of the Roman people and through him, as the chief lawmaker of Rome, were channelled the commands of the people. The scope of maiestas was altered to adapt to changing ideas of the state, but the idea that maiestas constituted the chief crime against the state persisted.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-53
Author(s):  
Faouzia Zeraoulia

The Algerian Civil War during the 1990s is considered to be one of the violent wars in the Arab world. For one decade, isolated from the international community, the country and its civilians suffered from extremism, radicalism, torture, and assassinations. Today, it is arguable that the memory of the Algerian Civil War played a pivotal role in producing the legitimacy of the political system and framing the citizens’ perceptions of the postwar regime before the current manifestations. Nevertheless, no field research has explored how that memory is represented and recalled by the people. Through analyzing the public narrative, surveying and examining the public platforms, and conversations dealing with the past civil war in Algeria, this article seeks to demonstrate how that violent past is remembered in the public arena, the emotions that have been accumulated from such experience and the lessons that have been learned by the people. In doing so, we use many examples from the Algerian manifestations after 22 February 2019, or what is called “the Algerian Hirak.”


Obiter ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vishal Surbun

Section 152(1)(e) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, provides that one of the objectives of local government is “to encourage the involvement of communities and community organizations in local government”. This objective is further entrenched in section 16 of the Municipal Systems Act 32 of 2000, which requires that municipalities must develop a culture of participation by the community, and create mechanisms, processes and procedures accordingly. These obligations gave rise to a number of interesting questions. One of these is whether the local sphere of government is obliged to facilitate public participation in its legislative andexecutive functions. This issue was considered by the Supreme Court of Appeal (SCA) in Democratic Alliance v eThekwini Municipality (2012 (2) SA 151 (SCA)). In this case, the SCA had to decide whether two decisions taken by the eThekwini Municipality to rename certain streets in Durban were, first, lawful and second, rational. Before turning to consider the facts of this case, however, it is important to note that the renaming of streets figures prominently in periods of regime change and revolutionary transformations.The process of street renaming in Durban prompted a large public response locally. The local newspaper, The Mercury, published a series of media reports and letters from the public on the renaming process. A researcher who interviewed its journalists, established that the changing of street names resulted in the biggest audience response ever experienced in the more than 150-year history of the newspaper.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 41-76
Author(s):  
Adam Wielomski

The illiberal democracy is the political system where majority of citizens rule, but where is not the freedom of consciousness or where the liberal dividing of power is absent. In the modern history of Europe the best example of this political system we find in the Calvinist Republics as Geneva, Emden and Netherlands. It’s not the democracy in the contemporary meaning of this word because the notion of “citizen” is aristocratic. The citizens are the members of aristocracy and patricians of towns. But in this time the citizens are the people only. This system is not liberal, because the Catholics are persecuted. The aim of this text is the presentation vision and ideology of theses Republics. It’s the mixture of sovereignty of the people-citizens with the theocratic tendency of Calvinism. In the theory of Calvin, and in the practice of theses Republics we are the tension between the “too swords”: spiritual (Calvinist consistories) and temporal (political power). In the literature we are many of allusions that the theological-political thought of Jean Calvin is inspired by medieval papal theocracy. It’s theocracy with “purified” Word of God, and inspired by the fear of the “caesaropapism”. This fear was just. Every theocratic rule in the Calvinist republican regime is finished by the supremacy of temporal swords. This text present the process of change from papocaesarism to caesaropapism in every republican case.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Rizki Syafril

ABSTRAK This paper discusses the dynastic politics phenomena that occur according to the Islamic view. The political legitimacy of dynasties is not regulated in the Islamic political system, but in reality, dynastic political practices are widely applied in Islamic governments and in governments where the majority of the people are Muslim. This paper is a research library with data sources consisting of primary data and secondary data. While data analysis uses inductive, deductive and comparative methods. The results of the study concluded that dynastic politics according to Islam was permissible, if it was based on the conditions of the existing leader and must be by the appointment process exemplified by prophet and prophet's best friend and a leader by the expectations of the people and the leader was an expert in his field. While dynastic politics should not be if a leader is a person or group will and is not an expert as a leader and puts personal or group interests first. Keywords: dynastic politics, Islamic political, leader, Islamic governments


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 266-273
Author(s):  
Ivan S. Palitai

The article is devoted to the modern Russian party system. In the first part of the article, the author shows the historical features of the parties formation in Russia and analyzes the reasons for the low turnout in the elections to the State Duma in 2016. According to the author the institutional reasons consist in the fact that the majority of modern political parties show less and less ability to produce new ideas, and the search for meanings is conducted on the basis of the existing, previously proposed sets of options. Parties reduce the topic of self-identification in party rhetoric, narrowing it down to “branded” ideas or focusing on the image of the leader. In addition, the author shows the decrease in the overall political activity of citizens after the 2011 elections, and points out that the legislation amendments led to the reduction of the election campaigns duration and changes in the voting system itself. The second part of the article is devoted to the study of the psychological aspects of the party system. The author presents the results of the investigation of images of the parties as well as the results of the population opinion polls, held by the centers of public opinion study. On the basis of this data, the author concludes that according to the public opinion the modern party system is ineffective, and the parties don’t have real political weight, which leads to the decrease of the interest in their activities and confidence in them. The author supposes that all this may be the consequence of the people’s fatigue from the same persons in politics, but at the same time the electorate’s desire to see new participants in political processes is formulated rather vaguely, since, according to the people, this might not bring any positive changes.


1992 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-328
Author(s):  
Ziaul Haque

Modem economic factors and forces are rapidly transforming the world into a single society and economy in which the migration of people at the national and international levels plays an important role. Pakistan, as a modem nation, has characteristically been deeply influenced by such migrations, both national and international. The first great exodus occurred in 1947 when over eight million Indian Muslims migrated from different parts of India to Pakistan. Thus, from the very beginning mass population movements and migrations have been woven into Pakistan's social fabric through its history, culture and religion. These migrations have greatly influenced the form and substance of the national economy, the contours of the political system, patterns of urbanisation and the physiognomy of the overall culture and history of the country. The recent political divide of Sindh on rural/Sindhi, and urban/non-Sindhi, ethnic and linguistic lines is the direct result of these earlier settlements of these migrants in the urban areas of Sindh.


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