Discourse Analysis: Kinship Politics in the 2020 Regional Head Election

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-40
Author(s):  
Moch Edward Trias Pahlevi ◽  
Azka Abdi Amrurobbi ◽  
Bambang Eka Cahya Widodo

After the issuance of the Constitutional Court Decision No.33 / PUU-Xlll / 2015 as the cancellation of the ban on dynastic politics, a number of candidates from the incumbent's relatives advanced in the direct Pilkada and mushroomed up to the 2020 regional elections. The occurrence of kinship politics is not only seen in terms of regulation, but the rise of kinship politics is also due to problems in political parties in carrying out the political recruitment function. This study seeks to analyze the findings of the online media reported in Kompas and Tempo. This study uses qualitative methods and uses Nvivo 12 Plus in processing data. In this study, it is explained that the factors for the formation of dynastic politics from online media coverage of Kompas dominantly explains the recruitment of political parties which are less democratic, while Tempo online media dominantly explains that the supporting factors for the formation of kinship politics are party recruitment, family support, and weak legal rules. In addition, the impact of kinship politics from the analysis of Kompas online media reports is the creation of corrupt behaviour and damaging the bureaucratic order. Meanwhile, the impact of kinship politics from the analysis of Tempo online media is the decline in the quality of democracy and damage to the structure of the party. This type of research used in this research is qualitative research. The analysis used in this paper is descriptive analysis. Analysis was performed using the Nvivo 12 plus software.

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Julia Richardson ◽  
Charlotte M. Karam ◽  
Fida Afiouni

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to introduce this special issue about the “Impact of the Global Refugee Crisis on the Career Ecosystem” and summarise the key contributions of the included practitioner and scholarly papers which examine refugee business and labour market experiences. The paper also examines the impact of media reports to provide a broader understanding of the context within which the current refugee crisis is evolving. Design/methodology/approach The authors begin with a delineation of the concept of a career ecosystem in the context of refugee crises. The authors then employ this framing as a backdrop to engage in a basic analysis of business media coverage of the most recent Syrian refugee crisis, and a summary of the practitioner and scholarly papers. Findings The findings of the media analysis suggest major coverage differences between different groups of countries in the number of documents identified, the proposed aim of business engagement with refugees, and substance of the extracted statements generally. Research limitations/implications The analysis of business media coverage is rudimentary and intended only as a prompt for further conversations about how contemporary media commentary impacts on career opportunities for refugees and relevant stakeholder practices. Practical implications This paper demonstrates the importance of including broader considerations of refugee careers that explore the interaction and intersection with transnational and local ecosystem of labour markets while paying attention to the sociocultural and political refugee-host community dynamics. Originality/value This paper presents a more systems-oriented perspective and provides both practice and scholarly perspectives on the composite and dynamic nature of the refugee crisis on career ecosystems more broadly.


2020 ◽  
pp. 135406882096038
Author(s):  
Marc Sanjaume-Calvet ◽  
Elvira Riera-Gil

This article explores party strategies in electoral competition in Catalonia in order to test the existence of ethnic outbidding ( Chandra, 2005 ; Zuber and Szöcsik, 2015 ). We contribute with original findings on this case by addressing the evolution of political parties’ discourses through a qualitative analysis of their manifestos for the last five regional elections campaigns (2006–2017), covering a period of strong territorial conflict between Catalonia and Spain. Our analysis aims to measure the impact of secessionism growth on parties’ ethnic competition in Catalonia and compares the strategies of secessionist, federalist and centralist parties. In order to measure ethnicity, we focus on language, the most salient identity marker in Catalan politics, and link the evolution of parties’ territorial positions to that of their treatment of national identities and the Catalan and Castilian languages – both official languages in Catalonia – in their manifestos. Our findings include diverse strategies that do not entirely fit in with ethnic competition theories. First, we find that territorial outbidding does not always imply ethnic outbidding: political parties generally do not use the main identity marker in Catalonia (language) for outbidding purposes. Second, we find some evidence of ethnic outbidding in majority nationalist parties, but not in minority nationalist parties.


First Monday ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Bustos Díaz ◽  
Francisco Javier Ruiz del Olmo ◽  
Miguel Nazario Moreno Velasco

The regional elections in Catalonia held on 21 December 2017 received wide media coverage, far beyond Spanish media, due to separatist tension in that territory and was one of the main topics in most of the world’s media. Within this process social networks, especially Twitter, obtained crucial relevance given the interest aroused by the political leaders’ publications, since in those elections the debate transcended the usual ideological divisions of right and left and became a struggle between constitutionalists and separatists. This paper analyses the presence and influence of the main candidates of the Catalan political parties on Twitter. To achieve this, a mainly quantitative, mixed methodology based on big data was carried out where all the tweets issued by the candidates during the electoral campaign were analysed.


Author(s):  
O.V. Timofeeva

The article attempts to trace the impact that the "women's strike" had on the positions of forces in the issue of abortion in modern Poland. The author draws attention to the reaction to the Constitutional Court of Poland and its changes over the past period. The author discovers that only political parties that do not play a significant role in political life are willing to support the protesters on the women's agenda, and that a significant opposition party, as a result of the tightening of the abortion legislation, is coming to an understanding of the need to revise its program in relation to abortion.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-120
Author(s):  
Anggalih Bayu Muh Kamim

This study explores the ocean grabbing phenomenon that arises as a result of the reclamation project undertaken to facilitate the expansion of urban capital. The case of reclamation projects in Indonesia and Malaysia is taken to be compared with the consideration of the method of spending and facilitation on urban capital investment through the reclamation project. The need for new land which has become the culprit of the reclamation project will be explored about the impact it has had on the socio-ecological crisis that coastal communities must suffer. This study is a literature review carried out by tracing research reports, journal articles, and online media coverage related to the problem being examined. This study was carried out by borrowing the definition of ocean grabbing made by Bennett, Govan, and Satterfield and the criteria they made to show socio-ecological crises arising in coastal communities due to the reclamation project. The results of the study show that reclamation projects in Indonesia and Malaysia pose serious ocean grabbing problems. First, reclamation projects in Indonesia and Malaysia have poor governance. Minimal public participation and inadequate planning are a way for the facilitation of urban capital expansion in the reclamation project. Second, the reclamation project has worsened the living conditions of coastal communities due to loss of catchment area, decreased income, and deprived the community of its living space. Third, the reclamation project has caused damage to the ecosystem which has broken the balance of the environment in marine waters.AbstrakKajian ini mendalami fenomena ocean grabbing yang muncul akibat proyek reklamasi yang dilakukan untuk memfasilitasi ekspansi modal. Kasus proyek reklamasi di Indonesia dan Malaysia diambil untuk diperbandingkan dengan melihat metode pengurugan dan upaya memfasilitasi investasi perkotaan dalam proyek reklamasi. Kebutuhan lahan baru yang menjadi biang keladi dari proyek reklamasi akan didalami mengenai dampak yang ditimbulkannya pada krisis sosio-ekologis yang harus diderita masyarakat pesisir. Studi ini adalah kajian pustaka yang dilakukan dengan menelusuri laporan penelitian, artikel jurnal, dan pemberitaan media daring yang terkait dengan persoalan yang dikaji. Kajian ini dilakukan dengan meminjam pendefinisian ocean grabbing yang dibuat oleh Bennett, Govan, dan Satterfield serta kriteria yang mereka buat untuk mengidentifikasi krisis sosio-ekologis yang muncul di masyarakat pesisir akibat proyek reklamasi. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa proyek reklamasi di Indonesia dan Malaysia menimbulkan masalah ocean grabbing secara serius. Pertama, proyek reklamasi di Indonesia dan Malaysia memiliki tata kelola yang buruk. Partisipasi publik yang minim dan perencanaan tidak memadai menjadi jalan bagi fasilitasi ekspansi modal dalam proyek reklamasi. Kedua, proyek reklamasi telah memperburuk keadaan kehidupan masyarakat pesisir akibat hilangnya daerah tangkapan, penurunan pendapatan dan mencerabut komunitas dari ruang hidupnya. Ketiga, proyek reklamasi menyebabkan kerusakan ekosistem yang telah merusak keseimbangan lingkungan di perairan laut. 


Author(s):  
Mounir Nasri

This paper argues that positive online media coverage of Syrian refugees arriving in Canada, and the welcoming culture of Canadian society, have both influenced positive settlement and integration outcomes for Syrian refugees. It also provides a better understanding of Canada’s response to the Syrian refugee crisis and shows how the process of resettlement becomes stronger when local community members and citizens are involved. These arguments are demonstrated firstly by analyzing the relationship between welcoming cultures, positive media coverage, and the perception of refugees. Secondly, the role of media coverage in influencing welcoming cultures in Canada, as well as its role in encouraging community members and ordinary citizens to be involved in national humanitarian projects, is described. Finally, information related to Canada’s welcoming culture and positive media coverage are discussed relative to settlement outcomes, which portrays the strong influence of storytelling and inclusive communities on the success of new immigrants as they rebuild their lives in a new country. The various refugee resettlement programs in Canada are also outlined. The Canadian response to the Syrian refugee crisis has demonstrated to the world a different approach to civic engagement and humanitarian work. This national humanitarian response may be perceived as a major successful project. Nevertheless, it also leaves us with many unanswered questions around the topic, and most importantly, questions about the relationship between politics and power, citizenship, culture, online media and public opinions. 


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
dendysuseno ◽  
Prahastiwi Utari ◽  
Sri Hastjarjo

AbstractThis study aims to determine the effect of news in online media on the thoughts and behavior of a person, because the impact is very strong in shaping public opinion. This study uses communication theory, mass communication, news construction, netizen response, online media. The research method used quantitative descriptive analysis with online data collection techniques. Conclusion of research (1) News construction have positive effect to reporting hoax in online media, meaning that news construction which is loaded and created by online media will influence hoax news dissemination. (2) The netizen response positively affects the news of hoaxes in the online media, meaning more and more netizens respond to hoax news, hoax news will be wider and wilder. (3) News construction and netizen responses have a positive and significant influence on hoax news in media online, meaning that these two variables give a significant influence in the preaching of hoax in online media.


1988 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur B. Gunlicks

In contrast to the United States, where there is little or no public financing of parties and candidates below the presidential level, the German “party state” grants generous subsidies in a variety of forms to the political parties, though not to individual candidates. The German Basic Law (constitution), various laws passed by the national and Land (state) parliaments, and the Federal Constitutional Court have been important factors in the development of a complex and costly system of public financing for election campaigns, parliamentary parties and party foundations and for free television and radio time and billboard advertising space. In addition, the federal government incurs large tax expenditures through the encouragement of tax deductible contributions to political parties. In spite of the crucial role which public financing has assumed, recent scandals have occurred involving illegal contributions from business interests. A revised party law of 1984 and a Federal Constitutional Court decision in July 1986 have brought about significant changes, but controversy in Germany over public financing and the impact of recent reforms continues.


Author(s):  
Demas Brian W ◽  
Sudarsono ◽  
Rachmad Safa’at ◽  
Muchamad Ali Safa’at

In simple terms, the ratio legis can be interpreted as the reason why there is a provision in the law. Article 24C paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia determines the authority possessed by the Constitutional Court, paragraph (1) reads: The Constitutional Court has the authority to adjudicate at the first and final levels whose decisions are final to examine laws against the Constitution, decide disputes over authority a state institution whose authority is granted by the Constitution, decides on the dissolution of political parties, and decides on disputes regarding the results of general elections. The limiting provisions of Article 24C paragraph (1) seem to close the scope for expanding the Constitutional Court authority to decide disputes over the authority of independent state institutions. Meanwhile, this is a state requirement. This research uses a statutory approach with a descriptive analysis method. The conclusions obtained are: 1) it is not possible that a state institution that has supervisory authority has conflict with other legal institutions; 2) there are state institutions whose authorities are regulated by law and have the potential for authority disputes, but are resolved through the executive agency; 3) there is the authority of state institutions that have the potential for conflict of authority but there are no rules for resolving them.  


Arena Hukum ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 368-389
Author(s):  
Aditya Kartika

The existence of the House of Representatives (DPD) in including regional inputs in the form of norms has experienced polemics. These polemics include the decisions of the State Administrative Court (PTUN), the Supreme Court (MA), and the Constitutional Court (MK) that are out of sync with one another. This decision has the impact of legal dualism which results in confusion for the General Election Commission (KPU) to carry out its functions and even disharmony between legal norms. This normative research aims to determine the existence of a basis to support the DPD in order to reduce conflicts of interest. As a result, the KPU, when viewed from the normative aspect, the Constitutional Court is the sole interpreter of the constitution because of the authority granted by the constitution in Article 24 C. If so, then the KPU does not have to worry about implementing the Constitutional Court's decision because it is constitutional. That is, the KPU carrying out the Constitutional Court's Decision means maintaining the dignity of the DPR so that the aspirations carried out truly represent the needs of the region without worrying about conflicts of interest because they have as administrators of political parties.


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