scholarly journals Abolition of Tax on Acquisition of Immovable Property: A Tool to Suppress the Negative Consequences of Covid-19 or a Politicum?

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-57
Author(s):  
Michal Radvan ◽  
Sandra Papavasilevská

The tax on acquisition of immovable property was abolished on September 26, 2020 in the Czech Republic. One of the  reasons mentioned in the explanatory report to the Act was the statement that the abolition deals with the effects of this  virus on society. The main aim of the article is to answer the question of whether the abolition of the tax on acquisition of  immovable property is a tool to suppress the negative consequences of Covid-19 or a politicum. To get the answer, it is  necessary to shortly describe the tax on acquisition of immovable property and its structural components and make a  basic comparison with the other EU Member States. We also summarise the pros and cons of the tax and related findings  of the Constitutional Court. As the property transfer tax is connected with the income tax and there were several  amendments in the proposal, it is needed to analyse these changes. Based on the research, it is possible to conclude that  the abolition of the tax on acquisition of immovable property is definitely not a tool to suppress the negative  consequences of Covid-19; it is just a politicum: political parties believe that the abolition of the transfer tax brings them  more voices in the elections.

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Andra Bani Sagalane

<p align="justify">Four Pillars of Nation and State is Pancasila, the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia in 1945, national unity and the Republic of Indonesia which is articulated by members of the DPR/MPR to the public. This idea is included in item Law of Political Parties that have strong legitimacy. The four pillars of the state and nation reap the pros and cons in the community, especially among experts in constitutional law of the State. The experts have similar views to criticize the concept of it because it is not considered appropriate if it is aligned as the four pillar or column country. The Constitutional Court issued a decision removing the article. The Constitutional Court’s decision is binding and must be executed by all parties. That is the four pillars of the nation and state is forbidden to be disseminated to the public, but the reality is different, the constitutional court ruling was ignored by the DPR/MPR until today. They continue to socialize the four pillars. That is the institution DPR/MPR may be unlawful.</p>


Author(s):  
Tetiana Fedorchak

The author investigates political radicalism in the Czech Republic, a rather heterogeneous current considering the structure of participants: from political parties to the extremist organizations. The peculiarity of the Czech party system is the existence, along with typical radical parties, of other non-radical parties whose representatives support xenophobic, nationalist and anti-Islamic statements. This is primarily the Civil Democratic Party, known for its critical attitude towards European integration, and the Communist party of the Czech Republic and Moravia, which opposes Czech membership in NATO and the EU. Among the Czech politicians, who are close to radical views, analysts include the well-known for its anti-Islamic position of the Czech President M. Zeman and the leader of the movement ANO, billionaire A. Babich. Voters vote for them not because their economic or social programs are particularly attractive to the electorate, but because of dissatisfaction with the economic situation in the state. Almost all right populist parties oppose European integration, interpreting it as an anti-national project run by an elite distorted by a deficit of democracy and corruption. Keywords: Czech Republic, right-wing radical political parties, European integration, nationalism.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110083
Author(s):  
Michaela Maier ◽  
Carlos Jalali ◽  
Jürgen Maier ◽  
Alessandro Nai ◽  
Sebastian Stier

European elections have been described as second-order phenomena for voters, the media, but also parties. Yet, since 2009, there exists evidence that not only voters, but also political parties assign increasing significance to European elections. While initially ‘issue entrepreneurs’ were held responsible for this development, the latest campaigns have raised the question of whether mainstream parties are finally also campaigning on European issues. In this article, we examine European Union (EU) salience in the 2019 European Parliament (EP) campaigns of government and opposition parties and the predictors of their strategic behaviours. We test the relevance of factors derived from the selective emphasis and the co-orientation approach within an integrated model of strategic campaign communication based on expert evaluations of 191 parties in 28 EU member states. Results show that the traditional expectation that government parties silence EU issues does not hold anymore; instead, the average EU salience of government and opposition parties is similar on the national level. The strongest predictors for a party’s decision to campaign on EU issues are the co-orientation towards the campaign agendas of competing parties, and party’s EU position.


Slavic Review ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venelin I. Ganev

Infamously, the 1991 Bulgarian Constitution contains a provision banning political parties “formed on an ethnic basis.” In the early 1990s, the neo-communist Bulgarian Socialist Party invoked this provision when it asked the country's Constitutional Court to declare unconstitutional the political party of the beleaguered Turkish minority. In this article, Venelin I. Ganev analyzes the conflicting arguments presented in the course of the constitutional trial that ensued and shows how the justices’ anxieties about the possible effects of politicized ethnicity were interwoven into broader debates about the scope of the constitutional normative shift that marked the end of the communist era, about the relevance of historical memory to constitutional reasoning, and about the nature of democratic politics in a multiethnic society. Ganev also argues that the constitutional interpretation articulated by the Court has become an essential component of Bulgaria's emerging political order. More broadly, he illuminates the complexity of some of the major issues that frame the study of ethnopolitics in postcommunist eastern Europe: the varied dimensions of the “politics of remembrance“; the ambiguities of transitional justice; the dilemmas inherent in the construction of a rights-centered legality; and the challenges involved in establishing a forward-looking, pluralist system of governance.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-179
Author(s):  
Andrey Vershinin

The article examines the issue of exercising the freedom of association in political parties in Russia in a comparative analysis with the leading democratic countries of the world. Modern democracies cannot be imagined without political parties, which are the representors of the interests of their voters in legislative bodies and local government bodies. The development of civil society and the entire political system in the country depends on how the freedom of association in political parties and the access of parties to participate in elections is realized. The development of legislation on political parties in the Russian Federation proceeded unevenly. In the first years after the adoption of the Constitution the legislative body did not introduce strict requirements for parties. The adoption of a special federal law on political parties in 2001 became a turning point in the development of the party system. The author identifies two large blocks of restrictions on the creation of parties. The first is legislative restrictions, the second is the restrictions that arise from the unfair activities of legislative and law enforcement agencies. In this work, legislative restrictions are compared with restrictions in other democracies, as well as based on legal positions developed by the European Court of Human Rights. The author comes to the opinion that some restrictions on the creation of parties are not necessary now, in the meantime they significantly narrow the possibilities of party creation and political competition. First, we are talking about a ban on the creation of regional parties. The Constitutional Court in its legal positions indicated that this restriction is temporary and will be lifted over time. Within the framework of this work, the author will give suggestions on changing the approach to the creation of political parties in Russia, which should affect the emergence of new strong parties at different levels of public authority. The author believes that a system of “controlled multiparty system” has developed in Russia, which is implemented both in changing the legislation on political parties based on the interests of the “party in power” and the practice of the registration body, which prevents the formation of new parties claiming to redistribute the existing distribution of forces. Based on the analysis of the legislation on political parties, law enforcement practice, decisions of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, the ECHR and the legislation of foreign countries, the author proposes approaches to reforming the existing party system, which include small cosmetic changes and large-scale changes in approaches to the creation of parties.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lenka Matějová ◽  
Juraj Nemec ◽  
Milan Křápek ◽  
Daniel Klimovský

AbstractMany countries have carried out extensive amalgamation-related territorial reforms at the level of local self-government and created relatively large municipalities. The Czech Republic is one of the few remaining European countries with a fragmented territorial structure. There is a lot of discussion in the country about the need for amalgamation, but this discussion is mainly based on political arguments rather than on empirical evidence about the feasibility of amalgamation and its potential to improve local government performance. This paper analyses economies of scale on the local level as a factor that should be reflected in debates about the pros and cons of amalgamation in the Czech Republic. To add to the existing knowledge about the reality of economies of scale on the municipal level in the Czech Republic, we processed the municipal costs of three selected areas on a representative sample of municipalities in the South Moravian Region. The analysis showed that economies of scale can be identified for collecting local fees and for pre-school and elementary education, but not for local administration. Our results suggest that the existence of too small municipalities in the Czech Republic results in inefficiencies and should be addressed.


2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 394-399
Author(s):  
Pieter Emmer

In spite of the fact that negotiations have been going on for years, the chances that Turkey will eventually become a full member of the European Union are slim. At present, a political majority among the EU-member states headed by Germany seems to oppose Turkey entering the EU. In the Netherlands, however, most political parties are still in favour of Turkey's membership. That difference coincides with the difference in the position of Turkish immigrants in German and Dutch societies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 327
Author(s):  
Sholehudin Zuhri

Dalam perkembangan politik hukum kontemporer, keputusan politik dalam pembentukan regulasi sering dihadapkan pada dua persoalan sekaligus yang saling berhadapan. Konfigurasi politik dalam pembentukan Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017, partai politik di parlemen tidak hanya merepresentasikan kepentingan politiknya, tetapi juga dihadapkan pada keharusan mengakomodir putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 sebagai koreksi keputusan politik yang otoriter. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian yuridis normatif dengan metode kualitatif, studi ini menitikberatkan pada pemahaman komprehensif yang meliputi interaksi politik dan hukum dalam terciptanya konfigurasi politik hukum pemilu. Hasil studi ini dapat menjelaskan kepatuhan partai politik terhadap hukum dalam menciptakan konfigurasi politik di parlemen, namun di sisi lainnya lemahnya partai politik dalam membangun koalisi dalam mewujudkan sistem pemilu demokratis justru menjadikan keputusan politik yang dipilih menjadi otoriter dalam pelaksana teknisnya. Kehadiran hukum dalam perkembangan konfigurasi politik kontemporer, dapat menjadi paradigma baru dalam terciptanya konfigurasi politik demokratis yang pada akhirnya terbentuknya hukum pemilu yang demokratis.In the development of contemporary political laws, political decisions in regulatory formation are often confronted with two issues at once facing each other. The political configuration in the Law No. 7 year 2017, political parties in parliament not only represent political interests but also face the necessity to accommodate the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 14/ PUU-XI/2013 as a correction of authoritarian political decisions. This research is normative juridical research with qualitative method. The results of this study can explain the compliance of political parties to the law in creating the political configuration in parliament. Yet on the other hand, the weakness of political parties in building coalitions in realizing the democratic election system makes the selected political decision become authoritarian in its technical execution. The presence of law in the development of contemporary political configuration can be a new paradigm in creating democratic political configuration which ultimately the formation of democratic law of elections.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 239-242
Author(s):  
Ramot H.P Limbong ◽  
I Gusti Bagus Suryawan ◽  
I Nyoman Sutama

Political parties as legal entities may be subject to criminal liability as they are seen from the characteristic of political parties in accordance with the characteristics of the legal entity. The dissolution of political parties becomes one of the legal issues governed by Indonesian legislation. The problem of this research is: 1) how is the Constitutional Court Authority in the dissolution of political parties in Indonesia? 2) How is the mechanism of dissolution of political parties? The type of research and approach problems used is normative legal research and statutory approaches. The source of the legal material used is the primary source of legal material and the source of secondary legal material. The technique of collecting legal materials is the technique of library study. The collected legal materials are processed and analyzed using legal arguments. The result of this research is the procedure of the dissolution of political parties in the Constitutional Court as follows: Application submission, application registration and trial schedule, preliminary examination, trial examination, meeting Judge, the verdict of the Constitutional Court. The result of the dissolution of political parties may result in external rights and obligations, due to elected positions, due to the status of managers and members and the consequences of internal rights and obligations.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document