scholarly journals Anti-Communism Politics

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alam Mahadika ◽  
David Efendi

This research tried to raise the issue of communism regarding anti-communist politics in the perception of the Indonesian Anti-Communist Front of Yogyakarta City and its strategy to understand and the movement of communism. This field research with a qualitative approach in this research is outlined using qualitative descriptive methods. The research findings showed that the Indonesian Anti-Communist Front of Yogyakarta City has a strategy of resistance to communism by organizing rallies and even rallies always collaborating with other nationalist community organizations. FAKI Yogyakarta also always holds an annual event that commemorates Pancasila day by watching G30S/PKI films together to grow the nation's knowledge, especially the younger generation of strategy. The next is to oversee discussions that smell communist and views on politics and religion, The Discourse of the Indonesian Anti-Communist Front Yogyakarta city given the political movement of communism is In the power struggle my words about the Indonesian Communist Party is the goal of justifying various ways to achieve the desire for power (Politics), the goal of justifying all means. The discourse of the Indonesian Anti-Communist Front of Yogyakarta city views communist social viewpoints and beliefs consistent with its historical methods. Communists view religion as a result of the history of human development. Based on historical materialism, the beginning of religion was designed by man as an institution containing all aspects of goodness, beauty, justice, and the realm of Communists viewing religion as a human creation. Religion is an imaginary world. Communism, which has a very heinous problem with theology, causes distrust of God and even causes them to be anti-God, anti-Religion, and even aggressive towards religious groups. But part of the Indonesian Communist Party cadre is Islamic, so what the Indonesian Anti-Communist Front says does not represent a diverse reality about PKI and communism.

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-91
Author(s):  
Mansur Mansur

This paper discusses the ups and downs of Islamic politics in the historical arena, the politics referred to in this paper is photographing the history of politics at the time of the Caliph or Companions and politics in the history of Islam. Political Islam is often seen as a combination of "religion and politics". The relationship between politics and religion is interrelated and inseparable, although technically and practically the relationship is distinguished, religion is the authority of Shahibu as-Shari'ah, while politics is public / human authority. But these two things go hand in hand just as the Islamic religion developed as a religious and political movement which in turn merged with the "public" state and society. The belief of a Muslim who considers that Islam is something that concerns the faith and politics and is rooted in the holy book of Islam "al-Qur'an" and the hadith of the Prophet, so that Muslims believe that this has been reflected in the teachings of Islam, its history, and political development.


Author(s):  
Anna Tonelli

Abstract The Italian Communist Party created the most effective political school—and the only one in Italy—aimed at creating cadre leaders. The first schools were in Rome and Milan, and over the following decades the school system spread throughout the country, eventually counting about a hundred schools active throughout Italy until 1989. The school in Rome, which was the only one to remain open for a further four years, was the main model for the others. Called the Frattocchie School, it was a residential school in the hills of Rome and was in operation from 1944 to 1993. The students attended classes from six months to a year; they studied historical materialism and the history of Bolshevism but also experienced collective life, group identity, and the theoretical and practical values of communism. The Frattocchie model began with an initial period in which training consisted of the organization and acculturation of the working classes, starting with workers and peasants, according to a schema influenced by the Soviet schools but where the socializing bent of the Italian institutes mitigated the sectarianism and dogmatism of Moscow. The aim of the training was to build the careers of future politicians capable of embodying the ideals of a party that demanded control, preparation, and discipline. For this reason, the Italian Communist Party schools represented an original example in teaching methods and curricula, handing down the memory of communism over time. The diaries, questionnaires, and testimonies of the students who attended the Frattocchie School in its 50 years of activity are important sources and a precious heritage to understand how the Communist “faith” became a vehicle of recognition and belonging. Even today the name Frattocchie is associated with a model of party school to be imitated in order to teach methods and principles to those who want to pursue a political career.


1987 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 426-475
Author(s):  
C. E. Ashworth ◽  
John A. Hall ◽  
Bernard Crick ◽  
Robert Bocock ◽  
Roger Trigg ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Arifin Zain ◽  
Syahrin Harahap ◽  
Syahrin Harahap ◽  
Hasan Bakti Nasution ◽  
Hasan Bakti Nasution

Aceh Singkil is one of the districts in Aceh province that has a history of inter-religious conflict. There have been several conflicts here, including in 1979 and in 2015. The conflict not only caused by disharmony but also caused by casualties and moral and material losses. The main problem in this paper is how relations are established between the majority and minority religious communities in Aceh Singkil. This research is a field research with qualitative analysis and data collection techniques used is in-depth non-structured interviews. The results of the study show that socially, the majority and minority religious groups coexist both in the areas of religion, social and culture and life is helping each other. Presumably conflicts arise due to several factors, including the weak enforcement of rules and the establishment of houses that are not in accordance with existing standards.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-178
Author(s):  
Kayla Wheeler

For scholars, the internet provides a space to study diverse groups of people across the world and can be a useful way to bypass physical gender segregation and travel constraints. Despite the potential for new insights into people’s everyday life and increased attention from scholars, there is no standard set of ethics for conducting virtual ethnography on visually based platforms, like YouTube and Instagram. While publicly accessible social media posts are often understood to be a part of the public domain and thus do not require a researcher to obtain a user’s consent before publishing data, caution must be taken when studying members of a vulnerable community, especially those who have a history of surveillance, like African-American Muslims. Using a womanist approach, the author provides recommendations for studying vulnerable religious groups online, based on a case study of a YouTube channel, Muslimah2Muslimah, operated by two African-American Muslim women. The article provides an important contribution to the field of media studies because the author discusses a “dead” online community, where users no longer comment on the videos and do not maintain their own profiles, making obtaining consent difficult and the potential risks of revealing information to an unknown community hard to gauge.


Author(s):  
A. James McAdams

This book is a sweeping history of one of the most significant political institutions of the modern world. The communist party was a revolutionary idea long before its supporters came to power. The book argues that the rise and fall of communism can be understood only by taking into account the origins and evolution of this compelling idea. It shows how the leaders of parties in countries as diverse as the Soviet Union, China, Germany, Yugoslavia, Cuba, and North Korea adapted the original ideas of revolutionaries like Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin to profoundly different social and cultural settings. The book is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand world communism and the captivating idea that gave it life.


Metahumaniora ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 54
Author(s):  
Erlina Zulkifli Mahmud ◽  
Taufik Ampera ◽  
Yuyu Yohana Risagarniwa ◽  
Inu Isnaeni Sidiq

Kedudukan dan fungsi bahasa sebagai alat komunikasi manusia mencakup seluruh bidang kehidupan termasuk ilmu pengetahuan antara lain terkait sejarah peradaban manusia; bagaimana manusia mempertahankan hidupnya, bagaimana manusia memperlakukan alam, bagaimana alam menyediakan segala kebutuhan manusia. Apa yang dilakukan manusia saat ini, saat lampau, dan apa yang dilakukan manusia jauh di masa prasejarah, bagaimana kondisi alam di masa-masa tersebut, apa perubahan dan perkembangannya, dapat didokumentasikan melalui bahasa, divisualisasikan kembali, lalu dipajang sebagai salah satu upaya konversai dan preservasi dalam satu institusi yang disebut museum. Penelitian ini membahas kedudukan dan fungsi bahasa dalam permuseuman. Bagaimana kedudukan dan fungsi bahasa dalam permuseuman baik dalam informasi yang disampaikan oleh pemandu wisata museumnya maupun yang terpajang menyertai benda-benda dan gambar-gambar merupakan tujuan dari penelitian ini. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah gabungan antara metode lapangan dan metode literatur. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa secara umum kedudukan bahasa Indonesia berada pada urutan pertama setelah Bahasa Inggris dan keberadaan kedua bahasa dalam permuseuman ini melibatkan dua fungsi utama bahasa, yakni fungsi komunikatif dan fungsi informatif.The existence and function of language  as a medium of communication covers all fields of human life including knowledge, one of them is the history of human civilization; how humans survived, how human utilized nature for their lives, and how nature provides all the necessities for humans. What humans have been doing now, what they have done in the past and far before that in the pre-history time, how the conditions of the nature at those times were and what changes as well as progresses occurred are documented using language, then re-visualized,  displayed as one of conservation and preservation acts in an institution called museum. This research discusess the existence and function of language in museums. How important the existence of a language in museums and what language functions used in museums both in informations given by the museum guides and on the displays accompanying objects and pictures are the aims of this research. The methods used are the combination between field research and library research. The results show that generally the existence of Indonesian language plays more important role than English and both languages have two main functions; communicative function and informative function.     


2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-193
Author(s):  
Frank Seberechts

Uit de papieren van jeugdleider John Caremans, die aan de zorgen van het ADVN werden toevertrouwd, krijgen we een duidelijker beeld van de geschiedenis van de Vlaams-nationalistische jeugdbewegingen voor en tijdens de Tweede Wereldoorlog. Caremans voert in 1942 in opdracht van zijn oversten ‘verkenningsopdrachten’ uit bij vertegenwoordigers van de nationaal-socialistische jeugdbeweging in Duitsland. Uit het verslag dat Caremans over zijn reizen opstelt en uit de naoorlogse ondervragingen van Caremans en van zijn chef, jeugdleider Edgar Lehembre, blijkt dat deze reizen naar Berlijn slechts een episode vormen in de strijd die gedurende de hele bezetting woedt tussen de verschillende jeugdbewegingen in Vlaanderen en tussen, de verschillende partijen en ideologische strekkingen in de collaboratie. Alle ingrediënten zijn aanwezig: de scepsis van een deel van de Nationaal-Socialistische Jeugd Vlaanderen (NSJV) tegenover de brute nationaal-socialistische machtshonger, het onbegrip en de machtspolitiek van Duitse instanties als het Deutsche Arbeiterfront (DAF) en de Hitlerjugend (HJ) tegenover de buitenlanders – zelfs wanneer die zich in de collaboratie inschakelen, de inmenging van Vlaamsch Nationaal Verbond (VNV) en van de Vlaamsch-Duitsche Arbeidsgemeenschap (DeVlag)/SS. Het wordt duidelijk dat Lehembre en het VNV in deze strijd het onderspit zullen delven.________“Something on behalf of our young people”. John Caremans, Edgar Lehembre, Remi Van Mieghem and the Flemish and German machinations concerning the Flemish nationalist youth movement in 1942.The documents of youth leader John Caremans, which had been entrusted to the care of the ADVN, give a clearer picture of the history of the Flemish Nationalist youth movements before and during the Second World War. In 1942, Caremans was instructed by his superiors to carry out ‘exploratory missions’ among representatives of the National Socialist youth movement in Germany.The report written by Caremans about his travels and post-war interrogations of Caremans and his chief, youth leader, Edgar Lehembre, demonstrate that these trips to Berlin constituted only one episode in the struggle that raged throughout the occupation between the various youth movements in Flanders and between the various parties and ideological trends in the collaboration. All ingredients are present: the scepticism of a part of the National Socialist Youth of Flanders (NSJV) towards the brute National Socialist craving for power, the incomprehension and the power politics of German agencies, like the Deutsche Arbeiterfront (DAF) and the Hitlerjugend (HJ) towards foreigners – even when they engage in collaboration, the interference of the Flemish National Union (VNV) and the Flemish German Labour Community (De Vlag)/SS. It becomes clear that Lehembre and the VNV would come off worst in this combat.


2001 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrei N. Lankov

This article, based on newly declassified material from the Russian archives, deals with the fate of non-Communist parties in North Korea in the 1950s. Like the “people's democracies” in Eastern Europe, North Korea had (and still technically has) a few non-Communist parties. The ruling Communist party included these parties within the framework of a “united front,” designed to project the facade of a multiparty state, to control domestic dissent, and to establish links with parties in South Korea. The article traces the history of these parties under Soviet and local Communist control from the mid-1940s to their gradual evisceration in the 1950s.


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