scholarly journals El rol de las comunidades campesinas de El Pato (Caquetá) en la implementación del punto dos del Acuerdo Final de Paz de La Habana, en momentos de incertidumbre nacional

2021 ◽  
pp. 301-339
Author(s):  
Juano Zuluaga García
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Social Organization ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Critical Reflection ◽  
National Government ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Peasant Communities ◽  
The One ◽  
The Way

Resumen: La implementación del Acuerdo Final de Paz ha tenido sus avances y retrocesos. Por un lado, el panorama nacional es alarmante: se evidencian altos picos de violencia política; re- configuración de actores armados; asesinato sistemático de líderes sociales,   reincorporados, etc.; la implementación real de lo acordado es mínima; y hace falta mayor voluntad y efectividad del Estado colombiano y del Gobierno nacional. En contraste, no se pueden desconocer las dinámicas de apropiación y organización social ni el rol transformador de las comunidades desde los territo- rios. El presente trabajo tiene como propósito poner en diálogo una reflexión crítica de la situación nacional del punto dos del Acuerdo con los procesos impulsados por las comunidades de El Pato (Caquetá), y la forma en que estas vienen tejiendo una cultura política participativa y pluralista, aportando así a la implementación del punto dos en, con, desde y para el territorio. The Role of the Peasant Communities of El Pato (Caquetá) in the Implementation of Point Two of the Final Peace Agreement of Havana, in Times of National Uncertainty Abstract: The implementation of the Final Peace Agreement has had progress and setbacks. On the one hand, the national panorama is alarming: high peaks of political violence are evident. Re- configuration of armed actors; systematic murder of social leaders, reincorporated, etc. The actual implementation of the agreement is minimal; and greater will and effectiveness of the Colombian State and the national government are needed. In contrast, the dynamics of appropriation and social organization and the transforming role of the communities from the territories cannot be ignored. The purpose of this paper is to put into dialogue a critical reflection of the national situ- ation of point two of the Agreement with the processes promoted by the communities of El Pato (Caquetá). Also, the way in which they have been weaving a participatory political culture and pluralist. Thus, contributing to the implementation of point two in, with, from and for the territory. Keywords: Final Peace Agreement, democracy, democratization, pluralism, peasant communities, unity, organization, mobilization,  transformation,  social  leaders,  political  culture,  radicalization of democracy.

A New Regional Approach toward the Israeli–Palestinian Peace Process

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 387-415 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sherif A. Eissa
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
The Other ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Regional Approach ◽  
Oslo Accords ◽  
External Partner ◽  
The Way

There are two principal reasons behind the lack of success in reaching a final peace agreement between the Israelis and the Palestinians, namely, the malfunctioning negotiations’ framework from one side and the complexity of the negotiated issues from the other. This article is mainly addressing the bilateral framework’s flaws when it comes to the Oslo accords and the way the two negotiating parties have perceived them. It is an attempt to overhaul the existing Oslo peace process and not to create a new one. Oslo process has become entrenched over more than twenty years of different practices and legal realities. The article is also introducing a negotiating framework that combines the benefits of a multilateral regional track to the Oslo process aiming to redress the latent structural flaws. It is intended not to tackle the final status issues, as there is a plethora of literature doing so. The extensive focus on those complicated issues without redressing the process’ structural flaws has led partially to the current stalemate. The role of any mediator or external partner is not to solve those issues on behalf of the principal parties, but to work on the negotiating framework and the process itself.

scholarly journals Francisco Gutierrez and Gerd Schonwalder (eds.) Economic Liberalisation and Political Violence—Utopia or Dystopia? 2010. International Development Research Centre Canada (IDRC). Canada: Pluto Press. 355 pages. US$35.00.

2010 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-263
Author(s):  
Laila Sohail
Keyword(s):  
International Development ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Evolutionary Process ◽  
First Century ◽  
Research Centre ◽  
Development Research ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
International Development Research Centre ◽  
The One

No debate is as engaging in the twenty-first century, as the one surrounding the phenomenon of globalisation. Economists, political scientists public policy experts, and specialists from a range of diverse disciplines are attracted to analyse this phenomenon and apply it to the world around them. The analysts are generally divided in two camps—those who praise globalisation as an evolutionary process leading to peace and prosperity, and those for whom globalisation is a curse instigating violence and conflict by undermining the role of the State and adversely affecting democracy.

scholarly journals The Special Apparatus (al-Niẓām al-Khāṣṣ): The Rise of Nationalist Militancy in the Ranks of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood

Religions ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 77
Author(s):  
Ahmed Abou El Zalaf
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Systematic Study ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
British Colonization ◽  
Special Apparatus ◽  
Depth Study ◽  
History Of ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
The Way

Existing scholarship has largely focused on the role of Sayyid Qutb’s ideas when analyzing the Muslim Brotherhood’s violent history. Perceiving Qutb’s ideas as paving the way for radical interpretations of jihad, many studies linked the Brotherhood’s violent history with this key ideologue. Yet, in so doing, many studies overlooked the importance of the Special Apparatus in shaping this violent history of the Brotherhood, long before Qutb joined the organization. Through an in-depth study of memoires and accounts penned by Brotherhood members and leaders, and a systematic study of British and American intelligence sources, I attempt to shed light on this understudied formation of the Brotherhood, the Special Apparatus. This paper looks at the development of anti-colonial militancy in Egypt, particularly the part played by the Brotherhood until 1954. It contends that political violence, in the context of British colonization, antedated the Brotherhood’s foundation, and was in some instances considered as a legitimate and even distinguished duty among anti-colonial factions. The application of violence was on no account a part of the Brotherhood’s core strategy, but the organization, nevertheless, established an armed and secret wing tasked with the fulfillment of what a segment of its members perceived as the duty of anti-colonial jihad.

scholarly journals Design-based research on the way to mainstream research? Comments on the plea for phronesis by Bardone and Bauters

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabi Reinmann
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Traditional Concept ◽  
Design Based Research ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Pedagogical Tact ◽  
Discussion Article ◽  
The One ◽  
The Way

Bardone and Bauters suggest a re-conceptualization of design-based research using the classical term "phronesis" and question some methodological developments referring to the role of intervention and theory in design-based research. This discussion article is a comment on the text of Bardone and Bauters and pursues two aims: On the one hand the term “phronesis” is connected to the traditional concept of “pädagogischer Takt” (literally: “pedagogical tact”) to stimulate a joint discourse of both traditions. On the other hand, two main suggestions of Bardone und Bauters are critically examined, namely their proposal to conceptualize intervention in design-based research exclusively as an action, and their call for deriving generalizations via experiences instead of theories. The discussion article finally argues for maintaining the integrative power of design-based research by avoiding one-sided interpretations.  

“Soviet mentality?” The role of shared political culture in relations between the Armenian state and Russia's Armenian diaspora

2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (5) ◽  
pp. 709-729 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristin Cavoukian
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Community Organization ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Armenian Diaspora ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The One ◽  
Management Institutions ◽  
The Relationship

Russia's Armenians have begun to form diaspora institutions and engage in philanthropy and community organization, much as the pre-Soviet “established” diaspora in the West has done for years. However, the Russian Armenian diaspora is seen by Armenian elites as being far less threatening due to a shared “mentality.” While rejecting the mentality argument, I suggest that the relationship hinges on their shared political culture and the use of symbols inherited from the Soviet Union in the crafting of new diaspora and diaspora-management institutions. Specifically, “Friendship of the Peoples” symbolism appears to be especially salient on both sides. However, the difference between old and new diasporas may be more apparent than real. The Russian Armenian diaspora now engages in many of the same activities as the Western diaspora, including the one most troublesome to Armenia's elites: involvement in politics.

The (Mixed) Times of Revolution

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaime Rodríguez Matos
Keyword(s):  
Political Change ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Jose Lezama Lima ◽  
Difficult Question ◽  
Revolutionary Politics ◽  
Political Foundations ◽  
The One ◽  
The Way

This chapter examines the role of Christianity in the work of José Lezama Lima as it relates to his engagement with Revolutionary politics. The chapter shows the multiple temporalities that the State wields, and contrasts this thinking on temporality with the Christian apocalyptic vision held by Lezama. The chapter is concerned with highlighting the manner in which Lezama unworks Christianity from within. Yet its aim is not to prove yet again that there is a Christian matrix at the heart of modern revolutionary politics. Rather, it shows the way in which the mixed temporalities of the Revolution, already a deconstruction of the idea of the One, still poses a challenge for contemporary radical thought: how to think through the idea that political change is possible precisely because no politics is absolutely grounded. That Lezama illuminates the difficult question of the lack of political foundations from within the Christian matrix indicates that the problem at hand cannot be reduced to an ever more elusive and radical purge of the theological from the political.

Wreck/Conciliation? The Politics of Truth Commissions in Thailand

2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-404 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duncan McCargo ◽  
Naruemon Thabchumpon
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Truth Commissions ◽  
Security Forces ◽  
Reconciliation Commission ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Way

More than ninety people died in political violence linked to the March–May 2010 “redshirt” protests in Bangkok. The work of the government-appointed Truth for Reconciliation Commission of Thailand (TRCT) illustrates the potential shortcomings of seeing quasi-judicial commissions as a catch-all solution for societies struggling to deal with the truth about their recent pasts. The 2012 TRCT report was widely criticized for blaming too much of the violence on the actions of rogue elements of the demonstrators and failing to focus tightly on the obvious legal transgressions of the security forces. By failing strongly to criticize the role of the military in most of the fatal shootings, the TRCT arguably helped pave the way for the 2014 coup. Truth commissions that are unable to produce convincing explanations of the facts they examine may actually prove counterproductive. Following Quinn and Wilson, we argue in this article that weak truth commissions are prone to politicization and are likely to produce disappointing outcomes, which may even be counterproductive.

scholarly journals The Revolution Will Be Performed. Cameras and Mass Protests in the Perspective of Contemporary Art

2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-23
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Ruchel-Stockmans
Keyword(s):  
Mobile Phone ◽  
Contemporary Art ◽  
The Other ◽  
Image Production ◽  
And Performance ◽  
The One ◽  
New Situation ◽  
The Way ◽  
The Revolution

Abstract This article offers an analysis of Videograms of a Revolution (1992) by Harun Farocki and Andrej Ujica and The Pixelated Revolution (2011) by Rabih Mroue, which both reflect on the role of amateur recordings in a revolution. While the first deals with the abundant footage of the mass protests in 1989 Romania, revealing how images became operative in the unfolding of the revolution, the second shows that mobile phone videos disseminated by the Syrian protesters in 2011 respond to the desire of immediacy with the blurry, fragmentary images taken in the heart of the events. One of the most significant results of this new situation is the way image production steers the comportment of people involved in the events. Ordinary participants become actors performing certain roles, while the events themselves are being seen as cinematic. This increased theatricality of mass protests can thus be seen as an instance of blurring the lines between video and photography on the one hand and performance, theatre and cinema on the other.

scholarly journals The position of victims in Serbia: Criminal procedure and possibilities of restorative justice

Temida ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic ◽  
Sanja Copic
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Restorative Justice ◽  
Criminal Procedure ◽  
Support Service ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Other ◽  
Victim Support ◽  
The One ◽  
The Way

In the paper, the authors deal with the victim"s position in the criminal procedure, on the one hand side, and the possibilities of implementing restorative justice and its importance for the improvement of victim"s position in Serbia, on the other one. In the first part of the paper, the authors point out victim"s position within the criminal procedure and the noticed gaps, which are particularly reflected in insufficient paying attention to the victim and neglecting of his/her rights and needs. This is opposite to the strengthening of the rights of the accused party that characterizes societies, which are, as our society, on the way of democratization and improvement of human rights. In the second part of the paper, the authors analyze some solutions that introduce elements of restorative justice into our system of criminal response to crime, but from the victim"s point of view. Finally, the authors also point out some further steps that should be undertaken in order to improve the victim"s position, particularly emphasizing the place and role of victim support service, witness service and special facilities in the courts for victims/witnesses, possibilities of using victim-offender mediation before reporting the crime, or staring the prosecution, or as a part of the treatment in the prison etc.

For Those Who Disagree – Rancière and the Sublime

Sublime Art ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 202-240
Author(s):  
Stephen Zepke
Keyword(s):  
Contemporary Art ◽  
Critical Reflection ◽  
Jacques Ranciere ◽  
The Sublime ◽  
Philosophy Department ◽  
Jacques Rancière ◽  
The One ◽  
Negative Sense ◽  
The Way

The work of Jacques Rancière is concerned with the sublime, but in a negative sense. He hates it. And as well, he hates the way thinkers such as Deleuze and Lyotard (and in fact them in particular, his colleagues in the Philosophy department at Paris VIII) have constructed both an aesthetics and an ethics from it. And as well, how this sublime aesthetics draws upon a politics (which is also an ontology) of otherness. In fact, he is even going to accuse Derrida of this, although without roilling him up with the problems of the sublime. So Rancière is going to be very useful to us as a critical reflection on those who have gone before, but as well he will because he is the one who speaks most about contemporary art. But his place here is not entirely negative, despite his constant and methodological disagreements. Rancière also offers an aesthetics based upon Kant’s Third Critique, but one that begins from the beautiful rather than the sublime. This will be a useful addition to the aesthetics we have already examined that emerge from Kant’s work, and another possible way to understand its political possibilities.

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