scholarly journals STOA – Centru de Cultură Urbană

Author(s):  
Vlăduț Cătălin Nicolae ◽  

Personal development is a complex, continuous process that comes in unique forms, personalized by the personal searches and interests of every human being. In order to further his own development and to tap into the intimate background of his aspirations, man will make use of the various methods at his disposal, informal methods, most of the time. Architecture should support this development process for the individual as well as for society, because the wider picture may suggest that one of the answers to the problems of public spaces in our time resides in the cultivation of the personal essence and in the way it can interact and generate reactions in others. Maybe a strong community does not depend on just the common interests of certain people, but on supporting and accepting all interests, even if different. Perhaps public space should not only create functions but also situations, not dictate clearly the destinations, but favour the various scenarios that come with each user, leaving some of the answers to the people. Maintaining the possibility of architectural indeterminacy is a necessary and important step in truly engaging people with each other and with the space they are in. With informal education as instrument and with a suitable framework, public spaces relevant to the community can be created.

DeKaVe ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Akbar Annasher

Broadly speaking, this paper discusses the phenomenon of murals that are now spread in Yogyakarta Special Region, especially the city of Yogyakarta. Mural painting is an art with a media wall that has the elements of communication, so the mural is also referred to as the art of visual communication. Media is a media wall closest to the community, because the distance between the media with the audience is not limited by anything, direct and open, so the mural is often used as media to convey ideas, the idea of ??community, also called the media the voice of the people. Location of mural art in situations of public spatial proved inviting the owners of capital to use such means, in this case is the mural. Manufacturers of various products began racing the race to put on this wall media, as time goes by without realizing the essence of the actual mural art was forced to turn to the commercial essence, the only benefit some parties only, the power of public spaces gradually occupied by the owners of capital, they hopes that the community can view the contents of messages and can obtain information for the products offered. it brings motivation and cognitive and affective simultaneously in the community.Keywords: Mural, Public Space, and Society.


Author(s):  
Kwabena Opuni-Frimpong

Faith in public life can be associated with Christianity in Ghana from the days of the early Western missionaries. Christian faith perspectives on matters of public concerns however, assumed a wider scope with the practice of regular issuance of communiques to governments and the people of Ghana by the churches. Christian ministry is expected to be holistic. A holistic approach in Christian ministry is considered to lead to the holistic development of the nation for the common good and the glory of God. Church leaders subsequently, bring their faith perspectives to matters of public concerns as a ministerial mandate to be in pilgrimage with the people. The study is a reflection on how the churches’ communiques are done and the factors that make the communiques theological in the public space. It further seeks to identify the contribution of the construction of communiques to public theology in Christianity in Ghana. The study as qualitative, examines both available primary and secondary sources. Copies of communiques of some selected churches, ecumenical bodies and joint communiques by ecumenical bodies are examined to appreciate insights of communiques by the churches. The study seeks to make a contribution to the theological construction of public theologies in Ghana and African Christianity. KEYWORDS: Public Theology, African Christianity, Communique, Common Good


1971 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 75-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Rawson

If we remember anything about Cicero's political ideas, it is that he believed in the right and duty of the senate to exercise supremacy in Rome, but that he also advocated aconcordia ordinmi, an alliance between and recognition of the common interests of senators andequites, to whom property and thestatus quowere sacred. Closely connected with this is the idea of aconsensus omnium bonorum, a wider alliance to include most of theplebs, and Italy. In the service of this ideal of unity he believed that the conservative statesman should beconcordiae causa sapienter popularis, though he should consult the true interests of the people even more than their wishes; and that all government should be mild and conciliatory. These are the views by which we distinguish him from his more obstinate optimate contemporaries, above all Cato, who are less flexible, more rigidly reactionary. Although, since Strasburger's famous study ofConcordia Ordinum, students of Cicero ought to have been prepared to pursue some of these beliefs of his back into the Roman past, too many historians and biographers still give the impression that they were Cicero's own invention (and an unhappy and unrealistic one too, it is often implied). But this is rash. Cicero,pacesome of his detractors, was an intelligent man; but he was not a man of deeply original mind, as would be generally admitted. His greatness lay not in originality, but in the life and form that he could give to the Roman tradition, enriching or illuminating it, sometimes even criticising it, from his knowledge of Greek history and thought.We should be chary therefore of supposing that Cicero's political programme was wholly his own; and, where a programme on a practical level is concerned, we should probably look more closely for Roman than for Greek sources. The first place to search is of course in a man's immediate family background, its position, traditions and contacts. This is true of all ages and places; but it is especially true of Rome. In the recent and justified reaction against the idea of fixed family parties, allied to or warring with certain other families from generation to generation, we are in danger of forgetting that family tradition in a broad sense was often very important. Cicero explains in thede officiishow one should imitate not only themaioresin general, but one's ownmaioresin particular – thus successive Scaevolae have become legal experts, and Scipio Aemilianus emulated the military glory of the first Africanus.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 676-703
Author(s):  
Luke M. Cianciotto

This study concerns the struggle for Philadelphia's LOVE Park, which involved the general public and its functionaries on one side and skateboarders on the other. This paper argues LOVE Park was one place composed of two distinct spaces: the public space the public engendered and the common space the skateboarders produced. This case demonstrates that public and common space must be understood as distinct, for they entail different understandings of publicly accessible space. Additionally, public and common spaces often exist simultaneously as “public–common spaces,” which emphasizes how they reciprocally shape one another. This sheds light on the emergence of “anti–common public space,” which is evident in LOVE Park's 2016 redesign. This concept considers how common spaces are increasingly negated in public spaces. The introduction of common space to the study of public spaces is significant as it allows for more nuanced understandings of transformations in the urban landscape.


2019 ◽  
pp. 123-144
Author(s):  
Maurice Harteveld

This article highlights the dynamics of values in our reasoning on public space. By means of an epistemological study, illustrated by examples in the Dutch city of Amsterdam, it tests the contemporary premises underlying our ways to safeguard the inclusive, democratic, agential city, and, as such, it aims to update our view on public space. The article raises three subsequent main questions: [i] Is the city our common house as perceived from the Renaissance onward, containing all, and consequently are public spaces used by the people as a whole? [ii] Is the city formalising our municipal autonomy as emphasised since the Enlightenment, in an anti-egoistic manner, and in this line, are public spaces owned by local governments representing the people? And, [iii] is the city open to our general view as advocated in Modern reasoning, restricting entrepreneurial influences, and synchronically, is its public spaces seen and/or known by everyone? - Inclusiveness, democracy, and agentiality are strongholds in our scientific thinking on public space and each issue echoes through in an aim to keep cities connected and accessible, fair and vital, and open and social. Yet, conflicts appear between generally-accepted definitions and what we see in the city. Primarily based upon confronting philosophy with the Amsterdam case for this matter, the answering of questions generates remarks on this aim. Contemporary Western illuminations on pro-active citizens, participatory societies, and effects of among others global travel, migration, social media and micro-blogging forecast a more differentiated image of public space and surmise to enforce diversification in our value framework in urban theory and praxis.


Author(s):  
Antonio Carlos Miranda ◽  
Renata Sieiro Fernandes

Entender a cidade como lugar de educação, de forma institucionalizada ou não, é vê-la como campo de educação informal e não formal. A educação informal se caracteriza por experiências não intencionais, dentro do contexto de vivência individual e social do dia-a-dia e a não formal, por experiências de ensino-aprendizagem, com intencionalidade e planejamento e que, estruturalmente, não tem uma legislação nacional que regule e incida sobre ela. Dentre os usos e ocupações atuais do espaço público por contestação, manifestação, lazer, sob orientações políticas, étnicas, artísticas, ambientais, lúdicas pelo público adulto, têm surgidoexperiências que envolvem as crianças como sujeitos-cidadãos de direito à cidade. A partir de depoimentos ou narrativas de homens e mulheres adultos recolhidos por meio virtual, sobre os usos que fizeram, na infância, da rua e dos espaços públicos da cidade, bem como as expectativas ou perspectivas atuais com relação ao uso do nosso espaço público por crianças, jovens e adultos, busca-se refletir sobre o papel damemória (envolvendo o trabalho com lembranças e esquecimentos) na construção de histórias pessoais e sociais a fim de pensar as possibilidades educativas que acontecem na cidade em diferentes momentos históricos.Palavras-chave: Educação não formal. Memórias. Cidade educativa.Non-formal education and the city: childhood memories and perspectivesAbstractNon-formal education and the city: childhood memories and perspectives Understand the city as a place of education, institutionalized or not, is to see it as a field of non-formal and informal education. Informal education is characterized by unintentional experiences within the context of individual and social experience of the day-to-day. Non-formal education is characterized by experiences of teaching andlearning, with intentionality and planning and, structurally, has no national legislation regulating and focusing on it. Among the uses and current occupations of public space for contestation, manifestation, leisure, under political, ethnic, artistic, environmental, recreational guidelines for adult audiences, there have been experiments involving children as subjects-citizens right to the city. Based on statements or narratives of adult men and women collected by virtual means, on the uses they did in childhood, street and public spaces of the city as well as the current expectations or prospects regarding the use of our public space by children, youth and adults we seek to reflect on the role of memory (involving working with memories and forgetfulness) in the construction of personal and social histories in order to think the educational opportunities happening in the city at different historical moments.Keywords: Non-formal education. Memories. Educational city.La educación no formal y la ciudad: recuerdos y perspectivas de la niñezResumenEntender la ciudad como un lugar de educación, institucionalizada o no, es verlo como un campo de la educación no formal e informal. La educación informal se caracteriza por experiencias no intencionales en el contexto de la experiencia individual y social del día a día y no formal, por las experiencias de enseñanza y aprendizaje, con la intencionalidad y la planificación y, estructuralmente, no tiene legislación nacional para la regulación en centrarse en ella. Entre los usos y ocupaciones actuales de espacio público para la manifestación, reunión, recreación, bajo las directrices de recreo políticas, étnicas, artísticas, ambientales, para un público adulto, han surgido experiencias que involucran a niños como sujetos-ciudadanos el derecho a la ciudad. Sobre la base de las declaraciones o relatos de los hombresadultos y mujeres recogidos por medios virtuales, los usos que hacían en la infancia, em la calle y em los espacios públicos de la ciudad, así como las expectativas actuales o potenciales, en relación con el uso de nuestro espacio público por niños, jóvenes y adultos que buscamos reflexionar sobre el papel de la memoria (que implica trabajar con los recuerdos y el olvido) en la construcción de historias personales y sociales a pensar en las posibilidades educativas que tienen lugar en la ciudad en diferentes momentos históricos.Palabras-clave: Educación no formal. Recuerdos. Ciudad educativa.


Urban Studies ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 55 (12) ◽  
pp. 2780-2800 ◽  
Author(s):  
Urmi Sengupta

Public space is increasingly recognised to be central to spatial discourse of cities. A city’s urbanism is displayed in public spaces, representing a myriad of complex socio-cultural, economic and democratic practices of everyday life. In cities of the Global South, especially those with nascent democracies, different values attached to a space by various actors – both material and symbolic – frame the contestation, making the physical space a normative instrument for contestation. Tundikhel, once believed to be the largest open space in Asia, is an important part of Kathmandu’s urbanism, which has witnessed two civil wars popularly known as Jana Andolans, and the subsequent political upheavals, to emerge as the symbolic meeting point of the city, democracy, and its people. The paper argues that the confluence of the three modalities of power – institutionalisation, militarisation and informalisation – has underpinned its historical transformation, resulting in what I call ‘urban rupturing’: a process of (un)making of public space, through physical and symbolic fragmentation and spatial estrangement. The paper contends that unlike the common notion that public spaces such as Tundikhel are quintessentially public, hypocrisy is inherent to the ‘publicness’ agenda of the state and the institutional machinery in Kathmandu. It is an urban condition that not only maligns the public space agenda but also creeps into other spheres of urban development.


Author(s):  
Michelle Sizemore

Until the Atlantic revolutions, the monarch’s body had served as the site of sovereign power and the substantial symbol of society. After losing this ground of unity, writes Claude Lefort, “the locus of power becomes an empty place”: “it cannot be occupied—[ . . . ] it cannot be represented.” Political theorists conventionally argue that public space replaces the common body of the people once figured by the king. Yet as the introduction argues, this spatial-realist model neglects the temporal and numinous dimensions of the democratic void. If change is a central principle of the people, then the “empty place” of power is as much a location in time as in space. The people are not a simple aggregate of persons, but a process, a function of time and change. This study argues that enchantment becomes a means of representing the people after the demise of traditional monarchical forms.


Author(s):  
Alvin Gozali ◽  
Mieke Choandi

Humans are social creatures, therefore humans really need public space to interact with one another. Apart from being useful for interaction, public spaces can also be used to meet the needs of habitation and become the background for the development of human life, both in social, economic, cultural and entertainment activities. However, the lack of adequate public space in an area will make the area underdeveloped and make it difficult for the people of the area to meet the needs of the community. The design of the Sukarami Mall program is a public space divided into 2 main programs which are shopping to meet needs and supporting programs that are recreational in nature, where the main program is a shopping program that accommodates people's needs in the form of clothing, food, shelter, while recreational support is used for meet the needs of society. Where this program is the background of regional development in terms of regional, socio-economic and entertainment. in the shopping space program, it focuses more on daily shopping needs, while the recreational support program is oriented towards culinary and hangout recreation. Keywords: mall; sukarami palembang; shopping center AbstrakManusia merupakan makhluk sosial maka dari itu manusia sangat membutuhkan ruang publik untuk berinteraksi satu dengan yang lainnya. Selain  berguna untuk berinteraksi, ruang publik juga bisa untuk memenuhi kebutuhan berhuni dan menjadi latar belakang perkembangan kehidupan manusia, baik  dalam kegiatan sosial ,ekonomi , budaya maupun hiburan. Namun kurangnya ruang publik yang memadahi disebuah kawasan akan membuat kawasan tersebut menjadi keterbelakangan dan membuat masyarakat kawasan tersebut menjadi sulit untuk memenuhi kebutuhan berhuni masyarakat. Rancangan program Sukarami Mall ini merupakan ruang publik yang dibagi menjadi 2 program utama yang bersifat perbelanjaan untuk memenuhi kebutuhan dan program penunjang yang bersifat rekreasi, dimana program utama merupakan program perbelanjaan yang mengakomodir kebutuhan masyarakat berupa kebutuhan sandang ,pangan, papan, sedangkan penunjang rekreasi guna  untuk memehuni kebutuhan bersosisali masyarakat. Dimana program ini kan menjadi latar belakang perkembangan kawasan dari segi, sosial ekonomi dan hiburan kawasan. pada program ruang perbelanjaan lebih memfokuskan kepada kebutuhan berbelanja harian, sedangkan program penunjang rekreasi berorientasi ke rekreasi bidang kuliner dan  tongkrongan.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-178
Author(s):  
Aaron Cayer ◽  
Catherine Tsukasa Bender

Peppered with galleries, ateliers, and upscale designer boutiques, Tokyo’s Shibuya ward is often described as a commercial haven for Japan’s urban fashionistas and style-conscious visitors. Within it, a narrow park sits atop a 1960s parking structure that was once a refuge for nearly one hundred homeless city residents until most were forcibly removed in 2010 by city officials. Dozens of blue tarp tents, umbrellas, weathered shoes, and cherished belongings were discarded, and the people who had lived there were fenced out indefinitely. Although this striking contrast of urban socioeconomic disparity is one that characterises many cities across the globe, the juxtapositions in Shibuya have been made increasingly visible by strong cohorts of unrelenting activists who have ignited decades of discourse and scholarly debate about individual rights to cities, as well as the role and agency of architects in the designing of public spaces. This article combines participant observations of art activists, semi-structured and oral history interviews of homeless residents in Tokyo, as well as historical analysis, to examine these tensions as they have played out at Miyashita Park in Shibuya, including how perpetual redesigns of the park by architects and urban planners tasked with ‘re-activating’ the park in the 1960s, 2000s, and again in the late 2010s, have been vehemently opposed. More specifically, the article examines how a vocal group of art activists organised in opposition to the park’s most recent redesign efforts sponsored by Nike and the idea that such a public-private partnership could produce an inclusive public space. Instead, the activists worked to problematise the appropriateness of terms such as ‘public’ altogether. Through art installations, writing, impromptu concerts, sporting events, and protests that engaged with the politics of their own bodies, the activists turned to alternative genealogies and definitions of ‘public’ as a way to connect more particularly to Japanese urban form and to resist hegemonic and imported concepts of ‘public’ as reproduced and reinforced by architects often without challenge. By drawing on alternative terms, such as akichi, meaning ‘open land’, the activists argue for a different sense of spatial inclusivity than the supposedly universal democratic ideals associated with designs for public spaces in Tokyo.


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