POLAND’S TROOP CONTRIBUTIONS TO US-LED MILITARY OPERATIONS AS A SECURITY POLICYINSTRUMENT

2017 ◽  
Vol 186 (4) ◽  
pp. 70-87
Author(s):  
Mikołaj KUGLER
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Military Operation ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Military

This article addresses the issue of Poland's troop contributions to US-led military operations, which for Poland constituted a salient instrument for attaining its security policy goals. It is argued that the United States of America played a pivotal role in Poland’s security policy, and by providing it with active support for the military operations in which the US exercised political and/or military leadership, Poland hoped to advance its security agenda. This assumption stemmed from America’s leading role in the global system and a conviction that it could influence its development in the way suiting the Polish interest. The article is in four parts. First, it examines the significance of foreign deployments as an instrument for attaining Poland’s security policy goals. Next, it explains the role the United States was assigned in Poland’s security policy. After that, it recounts the operations of Polish military contingents in US-led allied and coalition military operations. Finally, it discusses whether and how the engagement in those operations contributed to enhancing Poland’s security. The article embraces the period from the first military operation to which Poland deployed troops following the collapse of the Communist bloc in 1991 to the termination of the ISAF operation, which has had the largest Polish presence to date, in 2014. Keywords:

LATIN AMERICAN POLICY COMPONENT OF THE US, PRC AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION: POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
pp. 154-177
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Security ◽  
Latin American ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact

The paper considers the assessment of the influence of the Latin American component of the policy of the states of the strategic triangle "Russia-China-USA" on the national security of these countries. An approach to comparing the impact of the component is proposed, which makes it possible to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in Latin America and other regions of the world. The results of the work can be used to justify recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country.

scholarly journals London Conference of the Iraqi Opposition (14-17 December 2002) And the role of the United States of America

2018 ◽  
Vol 226 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-310
Author(s):  
Dr. Wasn Said Aboud
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Situation ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Scene ◽  
London Conference

     This research addressed the study of one of the conferences held by the Iraqi opposition to unite its efforts against the Baath regime in Iraq. The research found that this conference came with a proposal and encouragement of the US administration, which was in a critical situation before the international community, which refused to use military action to overthrow Saddam. The US administration found in the Iraqi opposition a solution to its problem by presenting it as a unified and declaring an alternative to the rule of Iraq. Thus, the international argument that refuses to support the military option falls . Was the most important conference in which the US administration supports the Iraqi opposition and keen on its success in front of public opinion. Moreover, the conference largely reflected the contradictions and conflicts between the opposition factions. The conference clearly marked the beginning of adopting concepts such as sectarianism, nationalism and ethnicity among the political entities, which cast a shadow on the political scene in Iraq after 2003.

ON SOME FEATURES OF THE US POLICY IN CENTRAL ASIA

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
N.U. KHANALIEV
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Main Attention ◽  
Dominant Position ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Military ◽  
Made In

An attempt is made in the article to identify and analyze some aspects of the US foreign strategy in Central Asia which, in the authors opinion, although in one form or another are touched upon in the domestic political science, can nevertheless be interpreted from a new angle, subjecting the existing interpretations to a certain re-evaluation and adjustment. Washingtons policy in the region is viewed in a broader context, Central Asia is considered an integral part of Eurasia. The main attention is focused on the justification of the thesis that in the 90s of the last century the United States claimed to be the main actor occupying the dominant position in Eurasia as a whole and Central Asia in particular, but due to a number of factors failed to reach that aim. After analyzing the activities of the US administration in using the territory of the five countries as a springboard for the military operations in Afghanistan, it is concluded that from the beginning of the war until recently, the possibilities of achieving goals sought by Washington in the region gradually narrowed. It is shown that the situation was determined both by Russias return to the region as a great military and political power and emergence of such a new powerful actor as China, as well as by the mistakes and miscalculations of the US leadership.

Great Power Competition from the perspective of the United States of America at the beginning of the third decade of 21st century

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (40) ◽  
pp. 43-56
Author(s):  
Marek Brylonek
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
21St Century ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Military Equipment ◽  
Spheres Of Influence ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Military

In the area of security and defense, the turn of the second and third decade of the 21st century has been characterized by intensifying competition of economic and military powers. The United States of America competes with China and the Russian Federation in various fields of the functioning of states and international relations, aimed at shaping the security architecture as well as standards, practices and spheres of influence that will enable them to exercise hegemony over the widest possible area of the globe. As predicted, the ongoing competition over the next few decades will cause tensions not only on the Washington – Beijing and Washington – Moscow lines, but also in Africa, the Arctic, Europe as well as in cyberspace and space. The renewed rivalry between the great powers has officially reoriented the US security and defense priorities towards the need to prepare the country for increasing challenges. The leadership of the US Department of Defense made it a priority to prepare its armed forces for potential confrontation with other powers. This goal was the basis of all the military reforms carried out, the concept of its functioning, the modernization processes of military equipment, as well as the directions of technological research and development efforts of the domestic arms industry. According to all forecasts and analyses, in the long-term perspective these issues will be at the center of deliberations by politicians and expert circles.

Rethinking U.S. National Security after Covid19

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda J. Bilmes
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
United States ◽  
National Security ◽  
The United States ◽  
Emerging Diseases ◽  
Defense Spending ◽  
Federal Spending ◽  
Us Economy ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Military

AbstractThe United States has traditionally defined national security in the context of military threats and addressed them through military spending. This article considers whether the United States will rethink this mindset following the disruption of the Covid19 pandemic, during which a non-military actor has inflicted widespread harm. The author argues that the US will not redefine national security explicitly due to the importance of the military in the US economy and the bipartisan trend toward growing the military budget since 2001. However, the pandemic has opened the floodgates with respect to federal spending. This shift will enable the next administration to allocate greater resources to non-military threats such as climate change and emerging diseases, even as it continues to increase defense spending to address traditionally defined military threats such as hypersonics and cyberterrorism.

scholarly journals Drug prices in Latin American countries: the case of rheumatoid arthritis Biosimilars

2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Bittencourt Gonzalez Mosegui ◽  
Fernando Antõnanzas ◽  
Cid Manso de Mello Vianna ◽  
Paula Rojas
Keyword(s):  
Rheumatoid Arthritis ◽  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Purchasing Power Parity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Power Parity ◽  
Drug Prices ◽  
The Us ◽  
Latin American Countries

Abstract Background The objective of this paper is to analyze the prices of biological drugs in the treatment of Rheumatoid Arthritis (RA) in three Latin American countries (Brazil, Colombia and Mexico), as well as in Spain and the United States of America (US), from the point of market entry of biosimilars. Methods We analyzed products authorized for commercialization in the last 20 years, in Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico, comparing them to the United States of America (USA) and Spain. For this analysis, we sought the prices and registries of drugs marketed between 1999 and October 1, 2019, in the regulatory agencies’ databases. The pricing between countries was based on purchasing power parity (PPP). Results The US authorized the commercialization of 13 distinct biologicals and four biosimilars in the period. Spain and Brazil marketed 14 biopharmaceuticals for RA, ten original, four biosimilars. Colombia and Mexico have authorized three biosimilars in addition to the ten biological ones. For biological drug prices, the US is the most expensive country. Spain’s price behavior seems intermediate when compared to the three LA countries. Brazil has the highest LA prices, followed by Mexico and Colombia, which has the lowest prices. Spain has the lowest values in PPP, compared to LA countries, while the US has the highest prices. Conclusion The economic effort that LA countries make to access these medicines is much higher than the US and Spain. The use of the PPP ensured a better understanding of the actual access to these inputs in the countries analyzed.

scholarly journals The Need for Integrating the Back End of the Nuclear Fuel Cycle in the United States of America

MRS Advances ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (19) ◽  
pp. 991-1003 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evaristo J. Bonano ◽  
Elena A. Kalinina ◽  
Peter N. Swift
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nuclear Fuel ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Spent Nuclear Fuel ◽  
Fuel Cycle ◽  
Nuclear Fuel Cycle ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spent Fuel ◽  
Dry Storage ◽  
The Us

ABSTRACTCurrent practice for commercial spent nuclear fuel management in the United States of America (US) includes storage of spent fuel in both pools and dry storage cask systems at nuclear power plants. Most storage pools are filled to their operational capacity, and management of the approximately 2,200 metric tons of spent fuel newly discharged each year requires transferring older and cooler fuel from pools into dry storage. In the absence of a repository that can accept spent fuel for permanent disposal, projections indicate that the US will have approximately 134,000 metric tons of spent fuel in dry storage by mid-century when the last plants in the current reactor fleet are decommissioned. Current designs for storage systems rely on large dual-purpose (storage and transportation) canisters that are not optimized for disposal. Various options exist in the US for improving integration of management practices across the entire back end of the nuclear fuel cycle.

The Soviet Factor in the US-China Military-Technical Cooperation during the Cold War

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 12-47
Author(s):  
Yinan Li
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The United States ◽  
Technical Cooperation ◽  
Arms Sales ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military

The development of the PRC’s armed forces included three phases when their modernization was carried out through an active introduction of foreign weapons and technologies. The first and the last of these phases (from 1949 to 1961, and from 1992 till present) received wide attention in both Chinese and Western academic literature, whereas the second one — from 1978 to 1989 —when the PRC actively purchased weapons and technologies from the Western countries remains somewhat understudied. This paper is intended to partially fill this gap. The author examines the logic of the military-technical cooperation between the PRC and the United States in the context of complex interactions within the United States — the USSR — China strategic triangle in the last years of the Cold War. The first section covers early contacts between the PRC and the United States in the security field — from the visit of R. Nixon to China till the inauguration of R. Reagan. The author shows that during this period Washington clearly subordinated the US-Chinese cooperation to the development of the US-Soviet relations out of fear to damage the fragile process of detente. The second section focuses on the evolution of the R. Reagan administration’s approaches regarding arms sales to China in the context of a new round of the Cold War. The Soviet factor significantly influenced the development of the US-Chinese military-technical cooperation during that period, which for both parties acquired not only practical, but, most importantly, political importance. It was their mutual desire to undermine strategic positions of the USSR that allowed these two countries to overcome successfully tensions over the US arms sales to Taiwan. However, this dependence of the US-China military-technical cooperation on the Soviet factor had its downside. As the third section shows, with the Soviet threat fading away, the main incentives for the military-technical cooperation between the PRC and the United States also disappeared. As a result, after the Tiananmen Square protests, this cooperation completely ceased. Thus, the author concludes that the US arms sales to China from the very beginning were conditioned by the dynamics of the Soviet-American relations and Beijing’s willingness to play an active role in the policy of containment. In that regard, the very fact of the US arms sales to China was more important than its practical effect, i.e. this cooperation was of political nature, rather than military one.

Great Britain and the United States: Two nations divided by an attitude?

English Today ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 21-28
Author(s):  
Carmen Ebner
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
British English ◽  
Doctoral Thesis ◽  
Linguistic Differences ◽  
The Us ◽  
Selection Of ◽  
Similar Search

Having studied attitudes towards usage problems such as the notorious split infinitive or the ubiquitous literally in British English as part of my doctoral thesis, I was intrigued by the sheer lack of scientific studies investigating such attitudes. What was even more intriguing was to discover that the same field and the same usage problems seem to have received a different treatment in the United States of America. While my search for previously conducted usage attitude studies in Great Britain has largely remained fruitless, besides two notable exceptions which I will discuss in detail below (see Section 3), a similar search for American usage attitude studies resulted in a different picture. Considerably more such studies seem to have been conducted in the US than in Great Britain. On top of cultural and linguistic differences between these two nations, it seems as if they also hold different attitudes towards studying attitudes towards usage problems. Now the following question arises: why do we find such contradictory scientific traditions in these two countries? In this paper, I will provide an overview of a selection of American and British usage attitude studies. Taking into account differences between the American and British studies with regard to the number of usage problems studied, the populations surveyed and the methods applied, I will attempt to capture manifestations of two seemingly diverging attitudes towards the study of usage problems. By doing so, I will provide a possible explanation for the lack of attention being paid to usage attitudes in Great Britain.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document