Great Power Competition from the perspective of the United States of America at the beginning of the third decade of 21st century

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (40) ◽  
pp. 43-56
Author(s):  
Marek Brylonek
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
21St Century ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Military Equipment ◽  
Spheres Of Influence ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Military

In the area of security and defense, the turn of the second and third decade of the 21st century has been characterized by intensifying competition of economic and military powers. The United States of America competes with China and the Russian Federation in various fields of the functioning of states and international relations, aimed at shaping the security architecture as well as standards, practices and spheres of influence that will enable them to exercise hegemony over the widest possible area of the globe. As predicted, the ongoing competition over the next few decades will cause tensions not only on the Washington – Beijing and Washington – Moscow lines, but also in Africa, the Arctic, Europe as well as in cyberspace and space. The renewed rivalry between the great powers has officially reoriented the US security and defense priorities towards the need to prepare the country for increasing challenges. The leadership of the US Department of Defense made it a priority to prepare its armed forces for potential confrontation with other powers. This goal was the basis of all the military reforms carried out, the concept of its functioning, the modernization processes of military equipment, as well as the directions of technological research and development efforts of the domestic arms industry. According to all forecasts and analyses, in the long-term perspective these issues will be at the center of deliberations by politicians and expert circles.

The Soviet Factor in the US-China Military-Technical Cooperation during the Cold War

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 12-47
Author(s):  
Yinan Li
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The United States ◽  
Technical Cooperation ◽  
Arms Sales ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military

The development of the PRC’s armed forces included three phases when their modernization was carried out through an active introduction of foreign weapons and technologies. The first and the last of these phases (from 1949 to 1961, and from 1992 till present) received wide attention in both Chinese and Western academic literature, whereas the second one — from 1978 to 1989 —when the PRC actively purchased weapons and technologies from the Western countries remains somewhat understudied. This paper is intended to partially fill this gap. The author examines the logic of the military-technical cooperation between the PRC and the United States in the context of complex interactions within the United States — the USSR — China strategic triangle in the last years of the Cold War. The first section covers early contacts between the PRC and the United States in the security field — from the visit of R. Nixon to China till the inauguration of R. Reagan. The author shows that during this period Washington clearly subordinated the US-Chinese cooperation to the development of the US-Soviet relations out of fear to damage the fragile process of detente. The second section focuses on the evolution of the R. Reagan administration’s approaches regarding arms sales to China in the context of a new round of the Cold War. The Soviet factor significantly influenced the development of the US-Chinese military-technical cooperation during that period, which for both parties acquired not only practical, but, most importantly, political importance. It was their mutual desire to undermine strategic positions of the USSR that allowed these two countries to overcome successfully tensions over the US arms sales to Taiwan. However, this dependence of the US-China military-technical cooperation on the Soviet factor had its downside. As the third section shows, with the Soviet threat fading away, the main incentives for the military-technical cooperation between the PRC and the United States also disappeared. As a result, after the Tiananmen Square protests, this cooperation completely ceased. Thus, the author concludes that the US arms sales to China from the very beginning were conditioned by the dynamics of the Soviet-American relations and Beijing’s willingness to play an active role in the policy of containment. In that regard, the very fact of the US arms sales to China was more important than its practical effect, i.e. this cooperation was of political nature, rather than military one.

Procedury karne w stosunku do żołnierzy sił zbrojnych Stanów Zjednoczonych oraz członków ich personelu cywilnego przebywających na terytorium Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej

2019 ◽  
pp. 209-222
Author(s):  
Marek Centkowski
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Law Enforcement Agencies ◽  
Criminal Jurisdiction ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

The subject of this work is to clarify the issues of criminal jurisdiction set forth in articles 13-15 of the Agreement between the Government of the Republic of Poland and the Government of the United States of America regarding the status of the armed forces of the United States of America on the territory of the Republic of Poland of December 11, 2009 in Warsaw. The author simultaneously conducts analysis of the provisions in article VII NATO SOFA, a supplemental agreement between the Governments of Poland and the United States. In addition, memorandum of Understanding between the Minister of Justice of the Republic of Poland and the Command of the Armed Forces of the United States of America in Europe regarding foreign criminal jurisdiction, signed on October 23, 2014 in Warsaw is discussed. The memorandum specifies the provisions of the above-mentioned two international agreements, describing, among other things, how to proceed with American soldiers and members of their civilian staff as perpetrators of prohibited acts. Furthermore, this document contains templates for letters addressed to US military authorities, and Polish judicial authorities with respect to the priority of jurisdiction, as well as arrangements related to the performance of official duties by the perpetrator at the time of committing a prohibited act. The authorities that supervise or conduct preparatory proceedings against members of the United States forces and their civilian personnel are military prosecutors of the regional or the district prosecutor’s offices. The Police, on the other hand and Military Police are law enforcement agencies carrying out procedural activities at the scene and carryingout activities commissioned by the military prosecutor.

Will Biden could withdraw the US forces from Afghanistan?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanislav Mikhailovich Ivanov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Military

The article analyzes the military operation of the United States and its NATO allies in Afghanistan, which lasted for 20 years, and the prospects for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from this country. The author states that the new US President D. Biden does not abandon the foreign policy course pursued by his predecessors earlier to reduce the US military presence in Afghanistan. Moreover, the new president reaffirmed his commitment to the peace agreement between the United States and the opposition Taliban, reached in the Qatari capital of Doha in February 2020, which provides for the withdrawal of US troops and their NATO allies from the country. However, the author comes to the conclusion that due to a number of objective and subjective factors, the timing of the final withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan may be postponed indefinitely, and even the deadline recently declared by the White House on September 11, 2021, may be far from final and may be repeatedly subjected to revisions. The main obstacle to the implementation of this important clause of the bilateral agreement is the lack of progress in negotiations between the Taliban representatives and the central government, as well as the lack of security guarantees for the withdrawn contingent of the US Armed Forces, NATO and the remaining staff of Western foreign missions in Afghanistan. Not only the radical Taliban wing, but also a number of current ministers in Kabul are trying to sabotage the conclusion of a second peace agreement and the subsequent integration of the Taliban into power. Without a lasting agreement between the Taliban and the central authorities in Kabul and the formation of a new coalition government, the likelihood of a resumption of civil war in the country will remain. New terrorist attacks and outbursts of violence on the part of the radical wing of the Taliban movement against the central government and foreign troops are not excluded. The penetration of Islamic State gangs into Afghanistan, which can undermine the stability of the military-political situation from within and provoke new armed conflicts, also carries certain risks. Much will also depend on the position of one of the main external players in Afghan affairs — Islamabad. Time will show whether Pakistan will be ready to take on part of the functions of a peaceful settlement within the Afghan conflict. The US administration would like more participation in stabilizing the further situation in Afghanistan from other regional forces (China, Russia, India, Iran, Turkey, Uzbekistan).

POLAND’S TROOP CONTRIBUTIONS TO US-LED MILITARY OPERATIONS AS A SECURITY POLICYINSTRUMENT

2017 ◽  
Vol 186 (4) ◽  
pp. 70-87
Author(s):  
Mikołaj KUGLER
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Military Operation ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Military

This article addresses the issue of Poland's troop contributions to US-led military operations, which for Poland constituted a salient instrument for attaining its security policy goals. It is argued that the United States of America played a pivotal role in Poland’s security policy, and by providing it with active support for the military operations in which the US exercised political and/or military leadership, Poland hoped to advance its security agenda. This assumption stemmed from America’s leading role in the global system and a conviction that it could influence its development in the way suiting the Polish interest. The article is in four parts. First, it examines the significance of foreign deployments as an instrument for attaining Poland’s security policy goals. Next, it explains the role the United States was assigned in Poland’s security policy. After that, it recounts the operations of Polish military contingents in US-led allied and coalition military operations. Finally, it discusses whether and how the engagement in those operations contributed to enhancing Poland’s security. The article embraces the period from the first military operation to which Poland deployed troops following the collapse of the Communist bloc in 1991 to the termination of the ISAF operation, which has had the largest Polish presence to date, in 2014. Keywords:

LATIN AMERICAN POLICY COMPONENT OF THE US, PRC AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION: POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
pp. 154-177
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Security ◽  
Latin American ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact

The paper considers the assessment of the influence of the Latin American component of the policy of the states of the strategic triangle "Russia-China-USA" on the national security of these countries. An approach to comparing the impact of the component is proposed, which makes it possible to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in Latin America and other regions of the world. The results of the work can be used to justify recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country.

scholarly journals London Conference of the Iraqi Opposition (14-17 December 2002) And the role of the United States of America

2018 ◽  
Vol 226 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-310
Author(s):  
Dr. Wasn Said Aboud
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Situation ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Scene ◽  
London Conference

     This research addressed the study of one of the conferences held by the Iraqi opposition to unite its efforts against the Baath regime in Iraq. The research found that this conference came with a proposal and encouragement of the US administration, which was in a critical situation before the international community, which refused to use military action to overthrow Saddam. The US administration found in the Iraqi opposition a solution to its problem by presenting it as a unified and declaring an alternative to the rule of Iraq. Thus, the international argument that refuses to support the military option falls . Was the most important conference in which the US administration supports the Iraqi opposition and keen on its success in front of public opinion. Moreover, the conference largely reflected the contradictions and conflicts between the opposition factions. The conference clearly marked the beginning of adopting concepts such as sectarianism, nationalism and ethnicity among the political entities, which cast a shadow on the political scene in Iraq after 2003.

scholarly journals MILITARY POWER IN US FOREIGN POLICY - TRADITION AND CHALLENGES

TEME ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 1141
Author(s):  
Veljko Blagojevic
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Instrument ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Military Equipment ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Military

When considering the military power of the United States, it is necessary to distinguish military force and military power. Military force represents an organization that is equipped and trained to use force. America is clearly the largest military power in the world, and that is a fact. However, the term military power is significantly wider than that of the military force. It also includes elements related to the threat of using force and many other activities related to the involvement of military force in contemporary international relations, including international defense cooperation, military-technical cooperation, the purchase and sale of weapons and military equipment, and more. The paper focuses on this exact segment of military power, understood as a willingness to engage the US military force outside their national territory. The aim of the paper is to describe the evolution of the United States’ strategic thought regarding military power as a foreign policy instrument by analyzing the key processes in specific historical conditions from their independence to modern times. The results of this analysis will represent valuable indicators for a future role of military power in the US foreign policy in terms of potential conflicts for the preservation of global hegemony.

EDUCATIONAL-TRAINING FACILITIES OF GROUND US FORCES

2019 ◽  
pp. 168-176
Author(s):  
D.B. Izyumov ◽  
E.L. Kondratyuk
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Educational Training ◽  
Us Army ◽  
The Us ◽  
Level Of Training ◽  
Army Personnel

The article discusses issues related to the development and use of training means and facilities in order to improve the level of training of US Army personnel. An overview of the main simulators used in the US Armed Forces at present is given, and the prospects for the development of the United States in this area are presented.

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