“We’re Just Small Little Circles Inside One Big Huge Circle”

Author(s):  
Danny Tommie ◽  
Stephen Bridenstine

The emic perspective as derived from experience within the upper tier of tribal government is rarely presented as academic discourse. This is likely as a direct result of the burden of commitments and workload inherent in such positions, as well as the specific objectives of the government itself. The following interview, from the perspective of someone with responsibility for oversight of the day-to-day operations of the THPO, therefore provides vital context for the role the THPO plays within the broader governmental structure of the Tribe.

2012 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-156
Author(s):  
PAUL S. REICHLER

AbstractThe Nicaragua case demonstrates the Court's competence in receiving and interpreting evidence, and in making reasoned findings of fact, even in the most complicated evidentiary context, as is often presented in cases involving use of force and armed conflict. The Court applied well-established standards for evaluating the conflicting evidence presented to it. In particular, the Court determined that greater weight should be given to statements against interest made by high-level government officials than to a state's self-serving declarations. The Court also determined that statements by disinterested witnesses with first-hand knowledge should receive greater weight than mere statements of opinion or press reports. In applying these guidelines, the Court found, correctly, that (i) the United States had used military and paramilitary force against Nicaragua both directly and indirectly, by organizing, financing, arming, and training the Contra guerrillas to attack Nicaragua; (ii) the evidence did not support a finding that the United States exercised direct control over the Contras’ day-to-day operations; and (iii) there was no evidence that Nicaragua supplied arms to guerrillas fighting against the government of El Salvador during the relevant period, or carried out an armed attack against that state. While Judge Schwebel's dissent criticized the last of these findings, in fact, the evidence fully supported the Court's conclusion. In subsequent decisions during the past 25 years, the Court has continued to rely on the approach to evidence first elaborated in the Nicaragua case and has continued to demonstrate its competence as a finder of fact, including in cases involving armed conflict (Bosnia Genocide) and complex scientific and technical issues (Pulp Mills).


Author(s):  
Lars U. Scholl

This chapter examines customs evasion and the indirect trade practises of Britain with regard to Baltic timber (imported via North America) and South American coffee. Williams argues that customs evasion fostered the championing of free trade principles in Britain, and that the reduction of customs duties on both Coffee and Timber was introduced by the government begrudgingly, as a direct result of the convoluted trade routes specifically designed to avoid the financial penalty.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement 2) ◽  
pp. 184s-184s
Author(s):  
A. Nnamani ◽  
N. Iloanusi ◽  
C. Okwuosa ◽  
A. Lasebikan ◽  
I. Okoye

Amount raised: #1,627,000 (Nigerian Naira) Background and context: With a large population and very limited resources, the economic burden of cancer in our country is enormous and cannot be tackled solely by the government. A high mortality rate among newly diagnosed patients is a direct result of poverty and lack of an effective health insurance coverage for cancer, among other reasons. Breast cancer accounts for two out of five women cancers, with a 70% mortality. Aim: To alleviate the financial burden of cancer treatment on indigent patients. Strategy/Tactics: We constituted the Cancer Patient Treatment Intervention Fund (CPTIF) board of partners and funders. We also inaugurated a fundraising event, the annual Go Pink Day Ball, and instituted crowd-funding schemes. Program process: Indigent patients diagnosed at BWS and designated health facilities are referred to CPTIF for financial support. The patient is reviewed for eligibility by the medical board. If approved by the CPTIF Board of Directors, the required funds are paid directly to the designated tertiary health facility where patient will be receiving the oncology services. Costs and returns: Between December 2017 and March 2018 a total of #1,627,000 (Nigerian Naira) was raised, a total of #750,950 has been spent on 7 patients at different levels of oncology services. The cost covered included laboratory tests, ultrasounds, biopsies chemotherapy and radiotherapy. What was learned: Financial assistance gave these patients a lifeline and zeal to go through the usually overwhelming cancer treatment process.


1998 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Elizabeth Teer-Tomaselli

Abstract: Public service broadcasting's purpose, the object of much debate in South Africa, may be defined as the provision of a universal service of excellent programming while maintaining public legitimacy through an editorial independence from both the government of the day and commercial interests. Since the 1980s, the global media landscape has undergone fundamental changes. Most of the dynamics which today plague public broadcasting are of international import, and the direct result of the intervention of the global economic order. Public service broadcasting must be carried out within the means available to the public broadcaster, and so it is at this point, when the pragmatism of limited financial means meets with the idealism of an all-encompassing mandate, that public service broadcasting's late-twentieth-century contradictions become apparent. This paper tracks this paradox across the re-launch and transformation of the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) from a state broadcaster serving the interests of largely "white,'' "coloured,'' and "Indian'' middle classes to a public broadcaster mandated to better serve the country's 11 official language communities. Résumé: Ce que peut être le but de la radiodiffusion publique est une question qui suscite bien des discussions en Afrique du Sud. On peut néanmoins définir ce but comme étant à la fois l'offre d'un service universel de programmation excellente et le maintien d'une légitimité publique en conservant une indépendance éditoriale par rapport au gouvernement au pouvoir et aux intérêts commerciaux. Depuis les années quatre-vingt, l'environnement médiatique global a subi des changements fondamentaux. La plupart des dynamiques qui aujourd'hui influent sur la radiodiffusion publique sont de provenance internationale, le résultat direct de l'intervention de l'ordre économique global. Dans un tel environnement, le radiodiffuseur public ne peut qu'utiliser les moyens à sa disposition pour offrir ses services. C'est à ce stade, quand le pragmatisme des moyens financiers limités confronte l'idéalisme d'un mandat trés vaste, que les contradictions de la radiodiffusion publique au vingtième siécle deviennent évidentes. Cet article examine ce paradoxe en décrivant l'exemple de la relance et de la transformation du South African Broadcasting Corporation (la SABC, c'est-à-dire La Société de radiodiffusion sud-africaine). Originairement un radiodiffuseur d'État servant principalement les classes moyennes blanches, métisses et indiennes, la SABC est devenue un radiodiffuseur public dont le mandat est de mieux servir les onze communautés linguistiques officielles du pays.


Author(s):  
Ita Richardson

In the mid-1990s, I was one of a number of women who recognised the importance of having an on-campus child-care facility for staff and students at the University of Limerick.1 Up until our child-care facility, Silver Apples, opened in November 1999, we had no on-campus child care available to us. The facility opening was due mainly to the efforts of a small group of women who used many opportunities to talk to management about the issue we had. As a direct result of this lobbying, the University of Limerick applied for and received funding; this would partly fund the building of the facility. More recently, the facility’s management, in conjunction with our local primary school (first level), opened a purpose-built after-school club, the first of its kind in Ireland. This anecdote is an indicator of how Irish society saw the need for child care 10 years ago: It was not high on the political, educational, or business agenda. During local elections at this time, I spoke with politicians about the issue of child care. Many of them had not come across this as an issue previously, or else they chose to ignore it. Things have changed! One of the current hot political topics in Ireland is the provision of child care to all sectors of employees. It is discussed in the media and in political circles. Questions are being asked as to how this will be funded: whether working parents can claim tax allowances or the government will make direct payments to the facilities providing child care. This change in attitude has come about not solely because of lobbying, but also because the demand for child-care provision in Ireland has grown significantly. In recent years, the workforce demographic has changed. Women are staying in or returning to the workforce, and this is being encouraged at the highest levels within our government. The changing child-care situation is an indicator of this. In Ireland, the economy performed very well throughout the 1990s. This improving economy has given an opportunity to women to return to the workforce. In 1990, less than 36% of women aged 15 and over were employed; in 2004, this statistic increased to 45% (Central Statistics Office, http://www.cso.ie). Women return to the workplace after becoming mothers and so take maternity leaves and/or parental leaves, which may be as short as 4 months and as long as 2 years. Furthermore, women who broke their career paths to become full-time parents, which may have extended to 20 years, are also returning to work.


2000 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 243-258
Author(s):  
Patrick M. Geoghegan

AbstractIN late-1800, after the passing of the Union, Lord Cornwallis wrote a carefully argued paper on Catholic emancipation in which he posed the chilling question:What then have we done? We have united ourselves to a people whom we ought in policy to have destroyed.That Cornwallis, one of the leading proponents of both the Union and Catholic emancipation, should have put the question in such stark terms is revealing. For him, Union without emancipation was worthless; the government would not secure the loyalty of the country, and there would never be a genuine uniting of the peoples on the two islands. The lord-lieutenant's analysis summed up the challenge facing the government towards the end of 1800: how to reconcile the claims of the Catholics with the fears of the Protestants before the beginning of the united kingdom on 1 January. This was a critical issue, because over the previous two years the government had tried to make the Union appear all things to all men, and all creeds. For some, the Union was supported because it seemed to be the best mechanism for securing Catholic emancipation; for others it was welcomed as a way of closing the door on the Catholics for ever. The political crisis of 1801 was a direct result of this confusion and culminated in both the collapse of the ministry and the end of Cornwallis's hopes of making the Union complete.


1969 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl E. Solberg

Writing in 1904, the Chilean intellectual Nicolás Palacios bitterly complained that his fellow-countrymen inhabiting the southern frontier provinces were “orphans” in their own land. The simile was appropriate. Since the 1870's, the government, through its land policy, systematically and deliberately had excluded Chile's wage-labor class from property ownership in the frontier. As a direct result, many Chilean laborers fell to peonage while European immigrants and wealthy Chileans acquired ownership of much of the public domain. Shortly before World War I, social and political pressures in Chile forced the government to end this discriminatory policy and to begin distributing the remainder of the public domain to nativeborn settlers.


1960 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 576-577 ◽  

From its 865th through its 868th meetings, the Security Council considered the claim of Argentina that its sovereign rights had been violated by the illicit and clandestine transfer of Adolf Eichmann from Argentine territory to the territory of the state of Israel. After the representative of Israel had been invited to participate without vote in the deliberations of the Council, Mr. Amadeo (Argentina), opened the discussion by reviewing the history of cordial relations between the two countries, noting in addition Argentina's traditional attitude of opposition to racial and religious discrimination and persecution. Argentina had brought the case to the UN, he said, only after exhausting all the possibilities of direct bilateral negotiation. While Argentina did not defend the crimes of which Eichmann had been accused, nor did it seek immunity for him, it could not allow a crime to be judged as a direct result of the violation of Argentina's rights; thus this was not the case of Adolf Eichmann and his crimes against humanity, but rather the case of a country claiming justice after an act which, if it were to be repeated, might shake the very foundations of international order. It was in this light that the Argentine delegate presented a draft resolution to the Security Council whereby the Council would, inter alia, request the government of Israel to proceed to an appropriate reparation in conformity with the Charter of the UN and the rules of international law.


Author(s):  
Putu Sauca Arimbawa Tusan

Legal protection is the right of every citizen including the right for children. All citizens are equal before the law and government and shall abide by the law and the government without any exception. The state should make laws as commander in safeguarding the implementation of national and state life. Every child has the right to live, grow and develop and are entitled to protection and violence and discrimination. Divorce cases in particular Denpasar Bali every year showed an increase. It is necessary to get the attention of the parties concerned, because of the impact of divorce experienced by children can be felt directly by the children themselves. Children become victims direct result of his parents' divorce. The judiciary has an important role to ensure the rights of children through a court decision. Judges who hear cases of divorce may consider in its decision to regulate the rights of children whose parents did divorce. This research with the normative methods research type, which aims to provide a clear picture of the setting and the role of judges in providing legal protection for child victims of divorce. Perlindungan hukum merupakan hak bagi setiap warga negara termasuk juga hak bagi anak. Segala warga negara bersamaan kedudukannya di dalam hukum dan pemerintahan dan wajib menjunjung hukum dan pemerintahan itu dengan tidak ada kecualinya. Negara harus menjadikan hukum sebagai panglima dalam mengawal penyelenggaraan kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Setiap anak berhak atas kelangsungan hidup, tumbuh dan berkembang serta berhak atas perlindungan dan kekerasan dan diskriminasi. Kasus perceraian di Bali khususnya kota Denpasar setiap tahunnya memperlihatkan adanya peningkatan. Hal ini perlu mendapatkan perhatian oleh pihak terkait, karena dampak perceraian yang dialami anak dapat dirasakan langsung oleh anak itu sendiri. Anak menjadi korban langsung akibat perceraian orang tuanya. Lembaga peradilan mempunyai peranan penting untuk menjamin hak-hak anak lewat putusan pengadilan. Hakim yang memeriksa perkara perceraian misalnya dapat mempertimbangkan dalam putusan nya untuk mengatur tentang hak-hak anak yang orang tuanya melakukan perceraian. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian hukum normatif, yang bertujuan untuk memberikan gambaran yang jelas tentang pengaturan dan peranan hakim dalam memberikan perlindungan hukum bagi anak korban akibat perceraian.


2008 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra G Leggat

AS THE Letters to the Editor illustrate, governance, both good and bad, can influence the effectiveness of the health care system. As reported by Dr Playford and her colleagues (page 6), the health workforce and educational leaders in Western Australia suggested our lack of effective interprofessional education required a ?good? governance solution ? the government needed to fund, plan, implement and monitor interprofessional education. On the other hand, Dr Ranmuthugala suggested that the continuing stream of health care crises was a direct result of our apparent inability to take a systems approach (page 5), which could be argued is a symptom of ?bad? governance. This issue launches a new section on Health Care Governance. According to Wikipedia, most simply put, ?Governance consists of assuring, on behalf of those governed, a worthy pattern of good while avoiding an undesirable pattern of bad?. Therefore by definition, health system governance would focus on planning, implementing and evaluating the necessary structures and processes to maximise good health outcomes and minimise the bad or adverse outcomes. But for some reason in health care our governance of the system, the organisations and the individual providers was not seen to be effective in promoting good clinical outcomes and limiting bad clinical outcomes. This necessitated the introduction of ?clinical governance? in the 1990s. Braithwaite and Travaglia track the progression of clinical governance in the first Health Care Governance paper (page 10). In addition, Johnstone and Geelen- Baass present a paper on business continuity ? an important concern of all governing bodies (page 161).


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