scholarly journals Bosnian Muslims and Serbs: Reasons for dispute from 1918 to the present day

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (19) ◽  
pp. 93-114
Author(s):  
Vladica Todorović

The paper provides an analysis of political relations of Bosnian Muslims (officially Bosniaks since 1993) and Serbs, lasting for almost a century. Firstly, the author deals with their relations in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from 1918 to 1941, all the way through World War II from 1941 to 1945, then in the Communist Yugoslavia from 1945 to 1990, followed bythe period after the break-up of Socialist Federal Republic Yugoslavia, when Bosnia and Herzegovina became sovereign state, and, finally,with their current relations We believe that the main cause of the dispute is that Bosnian Muslims historically always abandoned Serbs at critical times and sought the support of other states and nations for their state-building goals. In wars, they supported their enemies, often forming alliances with other states or nations. As religious idea among the Bosnian Muslims grew from 1918, so did their numbers as well as their aspirations for Serbian territories. Similarly, as the number of Bosnian Muslims grew, so did the interest of great powers and political parties as well as their military support. Most importantly, with the rise of numbers of Bosnian Muslims, their policies and their stance towards the state changed. Hence, when they became majority in Bosnia and Herzegovina, they wanted to turn the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina into their national state.

2015 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 15-35
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Gucka

The “Croats of Islamic faith” – reality or a creation of propaganda? According to the latest census, in 2001, 56, 777 Muslims live in the Republic of Croatia. The present article is an attempt to answer the following questions about these “Croats of Islamic faith” (Hrvati islamske vjeroispovjesti): Who are they? Where do they come from? And how are they socially perceived?The notion that the Bosnian Muslims are “Croats of the purest blood” was first formulated in the first half of the XIX century by Dr. Ante Starčević, the founder of the Law Party and the originator of a modern Croatian national doctrine. His views were fully adopted and accepted by the Ustasha propaganda, which claims that Bosnia and Herzegovina is the historical cradle of the Croatian state. As a result of this, local Muslims enjoyed a status which was equal to that of the Catholic community. Some propaganda gestures of the time, such as a celebration of the opening of a big mosque in downtown Zagreb, were meant to make the Bosnian Muslims accept the idea of the NDH state and induce them to enroll in the Ustasha Army. After World War II numerous Muslims, who uncritically became advocates of the Ustasha propaganda also shared the fate of Pavelic and his followers. The other Muslims who left their country before the war cultivated the infamous traditions of the NDH state, as well as the myth of an apparent Catholic-Muslim brotherhood.Following the civil war (1991–1995) thousands of Muslim refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina returned to Croatia, and the issue of their ethnic identity caused some problems. The level of social acceptance of the Muslim community in this traditionally Catholic community, however, is insufficient given the history, and displays of religious activity such as the establishment of Islamic schools and the building of mosques, raise anxiety and a fear of Islamicization amongst many Catholic Croatians. One can observe ongoing and endless Internet debates on the issue as to whether or not the Muslims living in Croatia are true Croatians, while politicians struggle to make use of the Muslim issue for their own purposes. In reality the “Croats of Islamic faith” are simply trying to adapt themselves to the global community and are too busy with everyday matters that they seem not to notice these debates that are largely theoretical.


Author(s):  
L. M. Efimova

Victorious ending of the World War 2 on May, 9, 1945, stroke a crushing blow on the military axis Berlin - Rome - Tokyo. The USSR played a decisive role both on European and Asian fronts. Fulfilling its allied duty the Soviet Union entered the war in the Far East on 9 August, 1945 and defeated the Japanese army in Manchuria. This act became a great contribution to liberation of Asian peoples from the Japanese occupation. On the 17 August 1945 the Republic of Indonesia declared its independence. The recognition on the side of international community as well as diplomatic support became\e vital for the survival of the newly emerged Republic.The Soviet victory together with the allied nations in the Second World War, the new status of the USSR as a superpower, its constant anticolonial stance stimulated former colonies to appeal to the Soviet Union for backing and support. One of the first was the Republic of Indonesia, to which the USSR rendered all kind of help and encourages. The present article which is a result of the study of newly available documents from several recently opened Soviet archives shows the Soviet backing of Indonesia in the UN, its diplomatic recognition, in strengthening of Indonesian status as a sovereign state on the international arena as a whole.


2016 ◽  
Vol XIV (2) ◽  
pp. 307-307
Author(s):  
Marjan Marino Ninčević ◽  
Filip Brčić

The thesis will depict political and religious turmoil from the first half of the 20th century between Kingdom of Yugoslavia45 and Vatican State City, and present more than a decade of political relations, from the Kingdom’s very beginning up to World War II. Special emphasis will be on the events that occurred during the signing of the concordat in July 1935 and its consequences. The thesis will be concluded with reactions from both Croatian and Serbian side. This will present the entire political background in Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the disputes between Croatian and Serbian (Catholic and Orthodox) politicians.


Author(s):  
Bojan Djordjevic

The fundamental issue in the first years after the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes was related to the future organization of Dubrovnik Archive, considering that the invaluable materials still lay in the Rector?s Palace, which assumed a completely new role and a special place in the newly formed Kingdom. Namely, following the end of World War I and the foundation of the new state, the Rector?s Palace in Dubrovnik, as a cultural property of national significance, was proclaimed a cultural-historical monument, on the one hand, and also a residence of the king, on the other. Therefore, it came under the jurisdiction of the Court of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (later the Court of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia), i.e. of the Royal Office. The jurisdiction over the Archive itself, specifically over the materials kept in it, was in the hands of the Ministry of Education. In 1921, Antonije Vucetic was named the first administrator of Dubrovnik Archive. Vucetic immediately and unequivocally advanced the thesis that Dubrovnik Archive, despite not being of the rank of the Archives in Zagreb and Belgrade, still is ?the most celebrated in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes?. Above all else, he emphasized the historical significance of this Archive, containing materials important for the history of the Republic of Dubrovnik, but also for the Serbian and Croatian histories from the 11th to the 19th centuries. In the year 1930, a new administrator was appointed to Dubrovnik Archive. It was Branimir Truhelka. He realized that in the case of the most important matters related to the Archive, in the case of all the Archive?s needs, they should turn, if possible, directly to the Court of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, i.e. to the Minister of the Court. The year 1931 marks the beginning of Truhelka?s systematic efforts to obtain the most that could be obtained for Dubrovnik Archive, to explain its significance to the authorities on the Court, and - without insisting on moving the Archive from the Rector?s Palace, being aware of the lack of support for this - to do everything to provide the safe keeping of valuable materials and to secure research in the Archive. Until the beginning of World War II and the occupation of Yugoslavia, Dubrovnik Archive prospered and an increasing number of researchers came to work in it. Thus, Dubrovnik Archive proved itself to be an unavoidable source for studying the past of both the Republic of Dubrovnik and the Serbian people.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 87-96
Author(s):  
Elena Yu. Guskova

The article is devoted to the analysis of interethnic relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) in the 1940s and 1960s. The article is based on materials from the archives of BiH, Croatia, Slovenia, Yugoslavia. The documents show the state of affairs in the Republic – both in the economy and in ideology. In one or another way, all of them reflect the level of tension in the interethnic relations. For the first time, the article presents the discussion on interethnic relations, on the new phenomenon in multinational Yugoslavia – the emergence of a new people in BiH under the name of “Muslim”. The term “Muslims” is used to define the ethnic identity of Bosniaks in the territory of BiH starting from the 1961 census.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-135
Author(s):  
Shuge Wei

ABSTRACTThis article examines China’s efforts to restore cable telegraph rights from the establishment of the Republic of China to the end of World War II. Challenging the conventional dichotomy of “Chinese” and “Western” actors in rights recovery issues, this article explores the intricate power relations between foreign cable companies, international interests groups and various political factions in China. It analyses China’s reclaim of cable sovereignty in three phases, each characterised by a particular controversy—the intra-clique struggle of the Communications Clique during the early Republic and the warlord era; the rivalry between the Nationalist Party, military and the state during the Nanjing decade; and the direct Sino-Japanese conflict during wartime. The article presents the argument that for the various interest groups, ideologies such as imperialism and nationalism served as rhetoric in their respective pursuits. It was the daily political tensions that played a crucial role in shaping how cable policies were devised.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-152
Author(s):  
Danijel Vojak

The Roma population has been living in Croatian territories for more than six centuries and during that period was mostly persecuted by state and local authorities who sought to assimilate them. Such antigypsyism political practice was not unique only for the Croatian territory but was practiced in most other European countries. After World War II there was no commemoration and recognition of Roma victims in most European countries, including socialist Croatia (Yugoslavia). Such marginalization of the culture of remembrance of Roma war victims was reflected in the lack of education on this subject in the Croatian education system, where it is mostly mentioned in only a few words. The paper focuses on the analysis of how the issue of Roma suffering in the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and Europe is (un)integrated into the Croatian education system.


Author(s):  
Tetiana Yelova

The new geopolitical realities after the World War II saw the revival of the Polish state in a new form. The Republic of Poland appeared on the map of Central Europe, with about half of its territory being the so-called Recovered Territories, while the state borders moved west. The new eastern border of the post-war Poland ran along the Curzon line. The new post-war eastern border of Poland was being negotiated and agreed upon by the Soviet and the Polish authorities starting from 1944 on an annual basis, up to 1948. The last exchange of territories took place in 1951. The debates about the political map of Europe and the new eastern border of Poland, which became a new reality after the World War II, were held both at politicians’ offices and in various media outlets. The most prominent debate about the new Polish eastern border could be found on the pages of the Kultura immigrant periodical. The Polish immigrant public intellectuals Jerzy Giedroyc, Juliusz Mieroszewski, Josef Czapski and other members of the Kultura periodical editorial board were adamant about the need to recognize the Polish borders drawn after the World War II. Such a stance was unacceptable for the Polish Governmentin-Exile based in London and some immigrant circles in the USA. Starting from 1952, the Kultura editorial staff is consistent in its efforts to defend the principle of inviolability of borders drawn after the World War II, urging the Poles to give up on the so-called Polish Kresy (Kresy Wschodnie) and to reconcile with the neighbours on the other side of the new eastern border.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimia Zare ◽  
Habibollah Saeeidinia

Iran and Russia have common interests, especially in political terms, because of the common borders and territorial neighborhood. This has led to a specific sensitivity to how the two countries are approaching each other. Despite the importance of the two countries' relations, it is observed that in the history of the relations between Iran and Russia, various issues and issues have always been hindered by the close relations between the two countries. The beginning of Iran-Soviet relations during the Second Pahlavi era was accompanied by issues such as World War II and subsequent events. The relations between the two countries were influenced by the factors and system variables of the international system, such as the Cold War, the US-Soviet rivalry, the Second World War and the entry of the Allies into Iran, the deconstruction of the relations between the two post-Cold War superpowers, and so on.The main question of the current research is that the political relations between Iran and Russia influenced by the second Pahlavi period?To answer this question, the hypothesis was that Iran's political economic relations were fluctuating in the second Pahlavi era and influenced by the changing system theory of the international system with the Soviet Union. The findings suggest that various variables such as the structure of the international system and international events, including World War II, the arrival of controversial forces in Iran, the Cold War, the post-Cold War, the US and Soviet policies, and the variables such as the issue of oil Azerbaijan's autonomy, Tudeh's actions in Iran, the issue of fisheries and borders. Also, the policies adopted by Iranian politicians, including negative balance policy, positive nationalism and independent national policy, have affected Iran-Soviet relations. In a general conclusion, from 1320 (1942) to 1357 (1979), the relationship between Iran and Russia has been an upward trend towards peaceful coexistence. But expansion of further relations in the economic, technical and cultural fields has been political rather than political.


Author(s):  
Dragan Jovašević ◽  
Marina Simović

Both international and national criminal legislation, considers genocide as particularly severe and socially dangerous criminal offence (crime). It is the worst form of violation of the right to life and existence of entire human groups - national, racial, religious or ethnic. This is the crime of crimes and is considered to be the most severe crime of today. In the strict sense, this is an international crime which by giving orders or taking immediate actions fully or partially destroys an entire human group. Therefore, after the World War II, on the basis of international documents adopted within the framework of the organization of UN, all modern countries included genocide in their national legislations (basic or special) as the most severe crime threatened by the most severe types and measures of sanctions. A similar situation exists in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well. However, this crime is known to numerous international documents establishing primary jurisdiction of international (permanent or temporary - ad hoc) military or civilian courts.


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