The Atlantic

2008 ◽  
pp. 19-48
Author(s):  
Mark C. Hunter

This chapter places the goals and the naval structures of Britain and America into the context of economic development and international relations in the equatorial Atlantic. It introduces the economic status of the Atlantic region in the early nineteenth century, before detailing how British and American naval activity developed power within it. It explores ‘gentlemanly capitalism’ and British imperialism in relation to naval policy-making; the free-trade mentality adopted by the British Empire in the middle of the century and the impact this had on trade with South America and West Africa. It discusses British naval strategy and deployment, American naval policy, and the economic basis of the Anglo-American relationship. It concludes that though America took a protectionist approach to commerce while the British objective sought liberal trade, they avoided diplomatic difficulty by utilising their respective sea powers in order to navigate maritime activity peacefully.

1983 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 432-446
Author(s):  
Bimal Prasad

Nehru's contribution to the emergence of the new, multiracial, multinational Commonwealth is now beyond dispute. But for India's decision to remain in the Commonwealth in 1949, for which he had been primarily responsible, the Commonwealth must of course have continued, but with a limited membership confined largely to the Anglo-Saxon group of nations. It was India's example which paved the way for all parts of the British Empire emerging into freedom automatically taking their place in the Commonwealth, thereby continuously enlarging its membership and adding to its significance. Professor Nicholas Mansergh, the leading authority on Commonwealth history, succinctly sums up Nehru's contribution on the emergence of the new Commonwealth. But for him, India almost certainly would not have become the first republic member-state of the Commonwealth and, but for Indian membership almost certainly nationalists elsewhere in Asia and, still more in Africa, would not in their turn have opted also for membership. In the consequent addition of anti-imperialist Asian and African states to a Commonwealth which had grown out of an Empire, by procedures that became so conventional as to cease to cause remark, an idea achieved its most spectacular triumph. Not Smuts, not Mackenzie King, but Nehru was the architect of that achievement.1 The impact of Nehru's decision was not confined to merely augmenting the size and nature of the membership of the Commonwealth but, even more significantly, on its character and outlook. Though still recognising the British monarch as the symbol of its free association and as such its head, it was no longer bound together by common loyalty to the British Crown, but by that to certain common ideals. Thus from being, a club of white, Anglo-Saxon nations and a bulwark of British imperialism in various parts of the world the Commonwealth was transformed into a multiracial and multinational grouping of nations working for the promotion of peace freedom and racial equality in the world.2


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 226
Author(s):  
Arik Dwijayanto ◽  
Yusmicha Ulya Afif

<p><em>This article explores the concept of a religious state proposed by two Muslim leaders: Hasyim Asyari (1871-1947), an Indonesian Muslim leader and Muhammad Iqbal (1873-1938), an Indian Muslim leader. Both of them represented the early generation when the emerging revolution for the independence of Indonesia (1945) from the Dutch colonialism and India-Pakistan (1947) from the British Imperialism. In doing so, they argued that the religious state is compatible with the plural nation that has diverse cultures, faiths, and ethnicities. They also argued that Islam as religion should involve the establishment of a nation-state. But under certain circumstances, they changed their thinking. Hasyim changed his thought that Islam in Indonesia should not be dominated by a single religion and state ideology. Hasyim regarded religiosity in Indonesia as vital in nation-building within a multi-religious society. While Iqbal changed from Indian loyalist to Islamist loyalist after he studied and lived in the West. The desire of Iqbal to establish the own state for the Indian Muslims separated from Hindus was first promulgated in 1930 when he was a President of the Muslim League. Iqbal expressed the hope of seeing Punjab, the North West province, Sind and Balukhistan being one in a single state, having self-government outside the British empire. In particular, the two Muslim leaders used religious legitimacy to establish political identity. By using historical approach (intellectual history), the relationship between religion, state, and nationalism based on the thinking of the two Muslim leaders can be concluded that Hasyim Asyari more prioritizes Islam as the ethical value to build state ideology and nationalism otherwise Muhammad Iqbal tends to make Islam as the main principle in establishment of state ideology and nationalism.</em></p><em>Keywords: Hasyim Asyari, Muhammad Iqbal, religion, state, nationalism.</em>


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 1043-1055
Author(s):  
Gaby Umbach

This article1 offers reflections on the use of data as evidence in 21st century policy-making. It discusses the concept of evidence-informed policy-making (EIPM) as well as the governance and knowledge effects of data as evidence. With this focus, it interlinks the analysis of statistics and politics. The paper first introduces the concept of EIPM and the impact of evidence use. Here it focusses on science and knowledge as resources in policy-making, on the institutionalisation of science advice and on the translation of information and knowledge into evidence. The second part of the article reflects on data as evidence. This part concentrates on abstract and concrete functions of data as governance tools in policy-making, on data as a robust form of evidence and on the effects of data on knowledge and governance. The third part highlights challenges for data as evidence in policy-making, among them, politicisation, transparency, and diversity as well as objectivity and contestation. Finally, the last part draws conclusions on the production and use of data as evidence in EIPM. Throughout the second part of the reflections, reference is made to Walter Radermacher’s 2019 matrix of actors and activities related to data, facts, and policy published in this journal.


Author(s):  
Małgorzata Paprocka-Borowicz ◽  
Mona Wiatr ◽  
Maria Ciałowicz ◽  
Wojciech Borowicz ◽  
Agnieszka Kaczmarek ◽  
...  

Stroke is a high-risk factor for depression. Neurological rehabilitation is greatly difficult and often does not include treatment of depression. The post-stroke depression plays an important role in the progress of treatment, health, and the life of the patient. The appropriate treatment of depression could improve the quality of life of the patient and their family. The study aimed to evaluate the impact of physical activity and socio-economic status of the patient on the effectiveness of recovery from depression and the severity of the symptoms of depression. The study was conducted with 40 patients after stroke aged 42–82 years, and included 10 women and 30 men who were hospitalized for two weeks. The severity of depression/anxiety (D/A) symptoms were evaluated two times; at admission and after two weeks of physical therapy. The hospital anxiety and depression scale (HADS) questionnaire was used for this purpose. Socio-economic status was evaluated by several simple questions. It was revealed that physical therapy has a positive influence on mental state. The severity of D/A symptoms after stroke is related to the financial status of the patients (2 = 11.198, p = 0.024). The state of health (2 = 20.57, p = 0.022) and physical fitness (2 = 12.95, p = 0.044) changed the severity of symptoms of anxiety and depressive disorders. The kinesiotherapy in the group of patients with post-stroke depression had positive effects; however, economic and health conditions may influence the prognosis of the disease.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (10) ◽  
pp. 5661
Author(s):  
Raffaele Matacena ◽  
Mariangela Zenga ◽  
Marco D’Addario ◽  
Silvia Mari ◽  
Massimo Labra

The COVID-19 emergency and the consequent social distancing requirements have caused major disruptions in daily food-related practices at the household level. In this paper, we evaluate the transformations that occurred in the daily nutritional choices and behaviors of a convenience sample (n = 2288) of Italian residents during the first nation-wide lockdown (March–May 2020) to assess the impact on the health and socio-environmental sustainability of their diets. Results portray a scenario of wide-spread change, especially in relation to the quantity of daily food consumed, the composition of diets and the time and commitment devoted to home-cooking, with young individuals emerging as the most impacted generational cohort. Through the construction of an indicator for healthy–sustainable transition (HST index), we demonstrate that such changes unfold on a gradient, revealing that while for many respondents lockdown nutrition implied overeating and weight gain, a substantial segment of the population conversely improved the healthiness and sustainability of their daily nutritional patterns. In this sense, improvements are associated with young age, socio-economic status, frequency and enjoyment of cooking-from-scratch and, more generally, an attentive attitude towards the quality, provenance and materiality of food that, in turn, the COVID-19 crisis appears to have re-kindled. We conclude by highlighting five areas of institutional intervention (i.e., young people, time, tools, food supply at work, and local food chains) on which to focus in order to ensure the current crisis does not represent a missed opportunity for creating the necessary conditions for sustainable food production and consumption to take hold as the ‘new’ normal in the post-pandemic era.


2011 ◽  
Vol 26 (S2) ◽  
pp. 1795-1795
Author(s):  
D. Bhugra

IntroductionWith the process of globalisation in full flow, the movement of people and products across the globe has brought a series of difficulties. With migration the socio-economic status of the individuals may change with the likelihood that this status will be lower rather than higher, although depending upon the reasons for migration this may change too.ObjectivesLiterature shows that low socio-economic status is associated with a higher level of psychiatric morbidity.AimsWhether migration acts as a mediator needs to be investigated further.MethodsVarious studies have shown that rates of psychosis are elevated in migrants though these rates are differentially increased in different groups indicating that factors other than migration may be at play.ResultsIn this presentation the literature and link the acculturation and cultural identity with post-migration experiences will be reviewed.ConclusionA link exists between the perceptions within cultures and level of economic development of what constitutes mental health. The state of advancement of mental health services of a country will certainly have a large impact on prevalence rates. Further investigation should be carried out to examine in greater depth the relationship between social inequality and disorder prevalence, as distinct from income inequality.


2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 20130027 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Chipman ◽  
E. Morrison

Human mating and reproductive behaviour can vary depending on various mechanisms, including the local sex ratio. Previous research shows that as sex ratios become female-biased, women from economically deprived areas are less likely to delay reproductive opportunities to wait for a high-investing mate but instead begin their reproductive careers sooner. Here, we show that the local sex ratio also has an impact on female fertility schedules. At young ages, a female-biased ratio is associated with higher birth rates in the poorest areas, whereas the opposite is true for the richest areas. At older ages, a female-biased ratio is associated with higher birth rates in the richest, but not the poorest areas. These patterns suggest that female–female competition encourages poorer women to adopt a fast life-history strategy and give birth early, and richer women to adopt a slow life-history strategy and delay reproduction.


Author(s):  
Sarah Anne Reynolds

Abstract Background Research finds center-based child care typically benefits children of low socio-economic status (SES) but few studies have examined if it also reduces inequalities in developmental disadvantage. Objective I test if the length of time in center-based care between ages one and three years associates with child development scores at age three years, focusing on the impact for groups of children in the lower tercile of child development scores and in the lower SES tercile. Method Using data from 1,606 children collected in a nationally representative Chilean survey, I apply a value-added approach to measure gains in child development scores between age one and three years that are associated with length of time in center-based child care. Results Disadvantages at age one year were associated with lower child development scores at age three years. No benefits of additional time in center-based care were found for the non-disadvantaged group, but positive associations were found between more time in center-based care and child development outcomes for children with the SES disadvantage only. Center-based care was not associated with child development trajectories of children with lower child development scores at age one year, no matter their SES status. Conclusions There is evidence that Chilean center-based child care reduces SES inequality in child development scores between ages one and three years, but only if children already were not low-scorers at age one year.


2014 ◽  
Vol 83 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Stuart

Historians identify many connections between human rights and religion, including the influence of religious organizations on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Protestant ecumenical movement and American Protestantism played important roles in this regard. Historical analysis has so far taken insufficient account of another contemporaneous phenomenon important in terms both of religion and of rights—the British Empire. Its authorities typically offered a “fair field” to Christian missionaries irrespective of their nationality or denomination. They might also offer protection to religious minorities. In Egypt the situation was complicated. An Islamic country and a vital part of Britain's “informal” empire in the Middle East, Egypt was also an important area of missionary activity. To Egyptian government and British imperial representatives alike missionaries asserted their right and that of Christian converts to “religious liberty.” Focusing in part on Anglican mission in Egypt, this article examines the complex interplay of empire and Anglo-American ecumenism in missionary assertion of religious freedom. It also shows how imperialism and debates about “religious liberty” in Egypt and the Middle East influenced both “universal” and Egyptian national ideas about freedom of religion up to 1956.


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