scholarly journals Don’t just sit there shouting at the television, get up and change the channel

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-49
Author(s):  
John Hill

Understanding political communication using a networked model is not simply a case of opposing linear with nonlinear communication, of mainstream media with social media, or television with the internet. Rather it is about seeing the whole of the communication system as complex, unstable and indeterminate. Networked communication includes within it both broadcast and dialogue but does not separate them out. Each part of the system has the capacity to determine the potential of the other, with meaning a product of the change they effect on the system as a whole. Understanding broadcast as existing within a networked model reopens the potential for invention that the statistical model of information must foreclose in order to function.

Author(s):  
Olu Jenzen ◽  
Itir Erhart ◽  
Hande Eslen-Ziya ◽  
Derya Güçdemir ◽  
Umut Korkut ◽  
...  

This chapter explores the relevance of the protest song as political communication in the Internet era. Focusing on the prolific and diverse YouTube music video output of the Gezi Park protest of 2013, we explore how digital technologies and social media offer new opportunities for protest music to be produced and reach new audiences. We argue that the affordances of digital media and Internet platforms such as YouTube play a crucial part in the production, distribution and consumption of protest music. In the music videos, collected from Twitter, activists use a range of aesthetic and rhetorical tools such as various mash-up techniques to challenge mainstream media reporting on the protest, communicate solidarity, and express resistance to dominant political discourse.


Author(s):  
Yochai Benkler ◽  
Robert Faris ◽  
Hal Roberts

This book has examined how the American political media ecosystem figures in discourses on national politics in general and on presidential politics in particular. It has shown that the internet has no single effect on democracy, news media, or people’s ability to distinguish truth from fiction. Instead, “the internet” is really an integral part of two very different media ecosystems, one of which conforms to the very worst fears of those critical of the effects of the internet on democracy and the other combines attention paid to professional media still pursuing norm-constrained journalism with diverse outlets for mobilization, challenging agenda setting and questioning the mainstream media narrative. These findings suggest that the very introduction of the internet and social media does not itself put pressure on democracy as such, but they also imply that there is no easy fix for epistemic crisis in countries where a hyperpartisan, propaganda-rich environment exists.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Santho Vlennery Mettan ◽  
Aldo Hardi Sancoko

Indonesian’s Millennials are estimated to reach 70% of the productive population in 2020-2030 (BPS 2018), who cannot be separated from the internet and social media (Harahap 2017). Due to this fact, (Hsu 2018) and (Benini 2018) claim that millennials are afraid of being left behind by ephemeral content which will disappear within 24 hours so that many social media platforms are equipped with these temporary content features and companies are using temporary content strategies to reach more consumers. SMEs on the other hand have low knowledge of ephemeral content, even though 84% of millennials buy products due to the influence of social media, where ephemeral content lies within (Boen 2016). In the other hand, word-of-mouth has a significant impact on customer purchasing decisions until now. Along with the change to the digital era, word-of-mouth is being accelerated with the help of the internet, it called e-WOM, where many businesses use social media or other online platforms to promote business. The results showed that the two variables of ephemeral content and word-of-mouth with the help of the internet had a significant effect on customer purchase intentions, especially the millennial customer for SMEs in Surabaya City. In the future, by implementing ephemeral content in SMEs media social will increases their customer’s e-WOM.


Author(s):  
Lauren Rosewarne

Despite the widespread embrace of the Internet and the second nature way we each turn to Google for information, to social media to see our friends, to netporn and Netflix for recreation, film and television tells a very different story. On screen, a character dating online, gaming online or shopping online, invariably serves as a clue that they’re somewhat troubled: they may be a socially excluded nerd at one end of the spectrum, through to being a paedophile or homicidal maniac seeking prey at the other. On screen, the Internet is frequently presented as a clue, a risk factor and a rationale for a character’s deviance or danger. While the Internet has come to play a significant role in screen narratives, an undercurrent of many depictions – in varying degrees of fervour – is that the Web is complicated, elusive and potentially even hazardous. This paper draws from research conducted for my book Cyberbullies, Cyberactivists, Cyberpredators: Film, TV, and Internet Stereotypes (Rosewarne, 2016). While that volume provided an analysis of the denizens of the Internet through the examination of over 500 film and television examples – profiling screen stereotypes such as netgeeks, neckbeards, and netaddicts – this paper focuses on some of the recurring themes in portrayals of the Internet, shedding light on the how, and perhaps most importantly why, the fear of the technology is so common. This paper presents a series of themes used to frame the Internet as negative on screen including dehumanisation, the Internet as a badlands, the Web as possessing inherent vulnerabilities and the cyberbogeyman.


This chapter focuses on mainstream media as amplifier and how viral marketers can have greater social impact. For viral marketers to achieve a greater social impact, the ultimate goal is to have their ideaviruses enter traditional mainstream media – national or regional television networks and influential newspapers, which function as an amplifier for Internet mercenary marketing. A usual pattern is first to launch an ideavirus on the Internet, to make it brew, grow and spread along the social media networks so as to infect whoever is in its path. When it obtains a certain online “reputation,” it is a time to get the mainstream media involved. Once it is covered by the mainstream media, it would intensify the interest on the Internet in searching and sharing the story.


Author(s):  
Ahmet Sarıtaş ◽  
Elif Esra Aydın

Today, using of the internet extended social media by individuals habitually enables both the business firms and politicians to reach their target mass at any time. In this context, internet has become a popular place recently where political communication and campaigns are realized by ensuring a new dimension to political campaigns. When we examine the posts and discussions in the social media, we can say that they are converted into open political sessions. As there are no censorship in such channels, individuals have a freedom to reach to any partial/impartial information and obtain transparent and fast feedback, and with this regard, political parties, leaders and candidates have a chance to be closer to electors. In this study, it is aimed to give information about the social media, present what medium has been used for election campaigns from the past until today and besides, by considering the effects of effective and efficient use of social media and new trends related to the internet by politicians, together with their applications in the world, to make suggestions about its situation and application in Turkey.


Author(s):  
Helin Alagöz Gessler

This chapter analyses the effects of social media on political communication and the role they play in government-citizen relations by focusing on the Twitter ban phenomenon in Turkey in March 2014. The chapter asks the reasons of government intervention in social media, particularly Twitter. It argues that Twitter makes, on the one hand, a significant contribution to the evolution of political participation as it diversifies the process and methods of political communication. On the other hand, it introduces a new type of security dilemma which encourages governments to consider taking measures against social media to protect their authority.


Author(s):  
Robert R. Bianchi

The recent uprisings in Iran provide a poignant example of a common dilemma in authoritarian regimes. The mullahs and security forces can contain the blazes with Chinese-inspired controls over the internet and social media, but they cannot prevent future ignitions or rule out a wider conflagration. On the other hand, reformers have little hope of winning meaningful freedoms or promoting a less adventurous foreign policy. There is no sign of an authoritarian silver bullet to quash unrest or of a revolutionary breakthrough that could propel the country in a new direction. As Beijing expands the New Silk Road, it confronts similar problems in one country after another. Stronger linkages between domestic politics and transnational relations promote ongoing turmoil and crisis management across interdependent regions and cultures. Although this represents an important surge in transcontinental connectivity, it is hardly the kind that Chinese planners anticipated.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Usha M. Rodrigues ◽  
Michael Niemann

Abstract Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) is one of the world's most followed political leaders on Twitter. During the 2014 and 2019 election campaigns, he and his party used various social media networking and the Internet services to engage with young, educated, middle-class voters in India. Since his first sweeping win in the 2014 elections, Modi's political communication strategy has been to neglect the mainstream news media, and instead use social media and government websites to keep followers informed of his day-to-day engagements and government policies. This strategy of direct communication was followed even during a critical policy change, when in a politically risky move half-way through his five-year prime ministership, Modi's government scrapped more than 85 per cent of Indian currency notes in November 2016. He continued to largely shun the mainstream media and use his social media accounts and public rallies to communicate with the nation. As a case study of this direct communication strategy, this article presents the results of a study of Modi's Twitter articulations during the three months following the demonetization announcement. We use mediatization of politics discourse to consider the implications of this shift from mass communication via the mainstream news media, to the Indian prime minister's reliance on direct communication on social media platforms.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 52-62
Author(s):  
Miljana Nikolic

SummarySince the first sport duels, and with the development of sport through the ages, there were sport fans that cheered either for one or the other opponent and in that way they showed their sympathy. As the time passed, they organized themselves in fan groups, and they became not only an agent of socialization, but also a very important factor in directing social happenings. Hooliganism was created in modern society, and it had devastating effects on both sport and socially-political relations. The functioning of the fan groups that embraces hooliganism, demands high level of organization, so the modern media became a major tool of communication. The aim of this work is to determine in which way, not only the modern media but more importantly the internet sites and the social media of the fan groups, have been used for not only promoting and giving information about their actions, goals and attitude but also promotion of hooliganism.


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