scholarly journals Jämställdhetsintegrering vid svenska universitet och högskolor. Det politiska uppdraget återspeglat i lärosätenas planer

2019 ◽  
pp. 58-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Birgitta Jordansson ◽  
Helen Peterson

Gender Mainstreaming in Swedish Higher Education: the political directive reflected in institutional plans. The Swedish government’s latest reform of gender inequality in higher education set out to strengthen gender mainstreaming. Following this reform, the Swedish higher education institutions established gender mainstreaming plans for 2017-2019. In this article, we analyse and discuss the content of these plans, focusing on how they describe the organisation of gender mainstreaming, the understanding of gender inequality as a problem, and the planned activities to achieve gender mainstreaming. Drawing on interpretative frame theory, we identify challenges with the aims and scopes of these plans and the definitions they employ, e.g. in attempts to merge gender mainstreaming with the already on-going equal opportunity work based on the Swedish Discrimination Act. We conclude that many institutions have adopted an approach to gender mainstreaming that has the potential for transformation through long-term and sustainable cultural and structural change. To what extent the plans will be fully implemented, however, remains to be investigated, and depends on the organisation of work, commitment of leaders, and legitimacy of practitioners.

Author(s):  
Mary Ann Hernandez ◽  
Marcial M. Bandoy ◽  
Lerma P. Buenvinida

The purpose of this paper is to determine the GAD-aligned Programs, Projects, and Activities' gender-related mandated functions and integration. To obtain the necessary information on individuals in Higher Education Institutions based on specific traits and standards and clearly define the institution's long-term direction based on the institution's aims and objectives. Gender and Development focus on Gender Mainstreaming, which is a technique that incorporates both gender concerns and practices into the strategy, execution, supervision, and evaluation of guidelines, processes, plans, and activities at all levels, ensuring that both genders benefit equally. The study used a descriptive methodology to measure the extent to which gender-related activities integrated into mainstreaming mandatory functions and perceptions on GAD-aligned PPAs. There is no significant link between mandated outcome based on HEI-moderated (LUC or SUC) Instruction, Research, Extension, and Resource Management and perceived level of integration on the gender-related functions of Gender and Development Programs, Activities, and Projects, and GAD-aligned PPAs in mainstreaming. The mainstream GAD-aligned PPAs at the university do not predict the integration of GAD-related functions. The SUC/LUC category did not affect the relationship between the GAD-aligned PPAs and the level of integration when it approached the identified indicators.


Author(s):  
Reut Itzkovitch-Malka

This chapter traces, identifies, and characterizes the main features of the gender division in Israeli society and politics. It addresses questions relevant to the status of women, as well as the LGBTQ community, and assesses the magnitude of gender inequality in the various societal, cultural, and political arenas. While substantial progress has been made in improving the status of women in Israel, there is still a long road ahead before Israel can achieve true gender equality. In order for such equality to become a reality, genuine change is in order: a focus on the substantive outputs of the Knesset and the government; an emphasis on gender mainstreaming practices; and widespread feminist activity in formal politics, meant to inject critical feminist views into the political system and alter existing gender relations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 658-675
Author(s):  
Pascale Dufour ◽  
Jean-Vincent Bergeron-Gaudin ◽  
Luc Chicoine

AbstractBy taking a historical perspective on the higher education and the housing sectors in Quebec, we demonstrate how the political cleavage around the national question has had long-term effects on the dynamic of contention in these two sectors. At a general level, the presence of this cleavage has favoured the adoption of institutional arrangements related to funding that have allowed the reproduction of social protest over time. Nevertheless, the institutional arrangements vary from one sector to another: in the case of higher education, Bill 32, adopted in 1983, facilitated the division of the student movement into two branches and, to some extent, its dynamism; in the case of housing, the AccèsLogis program and the contribution au secteur, implemented in 1997, ensured the selection of claims for social housing and favoured the grouping that leads this issue. In both cases, the national question is at the heart of the process that led to the adoption of these policies.


Author(s):  
Reut Itzkovitch-Malka

This chapter traces, identifies, and characterizes the main features of the gender division in Israeli society and politics. It addresses questions relevant to the status of women, as well as the LGBTQ community, and assesses the magnitude of gender inequality in the various societal, cultural, and political arenas. While substantial progress has been made in improving the status of women in Israel, there is still a long road ahead before Israel can achieve true gender equality. In order for such equality to become a reality, genuine change is in order: a focus on the substantive outputs of the Knesset and the government; an emphasis on gender mainstreaming practices; and widespread feminist activity in formal politics, meant to inject critical feminist views into the political system and alter existing gender relations.


2013 ◽  
Vol 17 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 337-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Bleckner

This paper aims to provide a critical analysis of the integration of women into United Nations (UN) peacekeeping – particularly in the form of all-female units – as a means of deterring sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) in conflict environments. Results from this study indicate that compared to both male peacekeepers and female peacekeepers from co-ed units, women from all-female units have a greater awareness of gender issues and SEA in a UN mission, sense of responsibility to address such issues, and experience doing so during deployment. The distinct gap in these measures between women from all-female units and co-ed units challenges the widespread assumption that women will inherently address SEA in a UN mission. Analyzing the variables that may contribute to the success of the all-female unit, the article concludes that these same factors may be applied to a wider distribution of women throughout peacekeeping operations. Recommendations presented in the article must be implemented as a component of a broad, long-term gender mainstreaming strategy to address the interrelated nature of gender inequality and sexual violence in conflict. Results of the study are analyzed with a focus on the role of UN peacekeeping in mitigating SEA in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).


Author(s):  
Mohd. Shuhaimi Ishak

 Abstract Generally speaking, media is extensively used as the means to disseminate news and information pertaining to business, social, political and religious concerns. A portion of the time and space of media has now become an important device to generate economic and social activities that include advertising, marketing, recreation and entertainment. The Government regards them as an essential form of relaying news and information to its citizens and at the same time utilizes them as a powerful public relations’ mechanism. The effects of media are many and diverse, which can either be short or long term depending on the news and information. The effects of media can be found on various fronts, ranging from the political, economic and social, to even religious spheres. Some of the negative effects arising from the media are cultural and social influences, crimes and violence, sexual obscenities and pornography as well as liberalistic and extreme ideologies. This paper sheds light on these issues and draws principles from Islam to overcome them. Islam as revealed to humanity contains the necessary guidelines to nurture and mould the personality of individuals and shape them into good servants. Key Words: Media, Negative Effects, Means, Islam and Principles. Abstrak Secara umum, media secara meluas digunakan sebagai sarana untuk menyebarkan berita dan maklumat yang berkaitan dengan perniagaan, kemasyarakatan, pertimbangan politik dan agama. Sebahagian dari ruang dan masa media kini telah menjadi peranti penting untuk menghasilkan kegiatan ekonomi dan sosial yang meliputi pengiklanan, pemasaran, rekreasi dan hiburan. Kerajaan menganggap sarana-sarana ini sebagai wadah penting untuk menyampaikan berita dan maklumat kepada warganya dan pada masa yang sama juga menggunakannya sebagai mekanisme perhubungan awam yang berpengaruh. Pengaruh media sangat banyak dan pelbagai, samada berbentuk jangka pendek atau panjang bergantung kepada berita dan maklumat yang brekenaan. Kesan dari media boleh didapati mempengaruhi pelbagai aspek, bermula dari bidang politik, ekonomi, sosial bahkan juga agama. Beberapa kesan negatif yang timbul dari media ialah pengaruhnya terhadap budaya dan sosial, jenayah dan keganasan, kelucahan seksual dan pornografi serta ideologi yang liberal dan ekstrim. Kertas ini menyoroti isu-isu ini dan cuba mengambil prinsip-prinsip dari ajaran Islam untuk mengatasinya. Tujuan Islam itu sendiri diturunkan kepada umat manusia ialah untuk menjadi pedoman yang diperlukan untuk membina dan membentuk keperibadian individu dan menjadikan manusia hamba yang taat kepada Tuhannya. Kata Kunci: Media, Kesan Negatif, Cara-cara, Islam dan Prinsip-prinsip.


Mediaevistik ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-53
Author(s):  
Bernard S. Bachrach

During the first thirty-three years of his reign as king of the Franks, i.e., prior to his coronation as emperor on Christmas day 800, Charlemagne, scholars generally agree, pursued a successful long-term offensive and expansionist strategy. This strategy was aimed at conquering large swaths of erstwhile imperial territory in the west and bringing under Carolingian rule a wide variety of peoples, who either themselves or their regional predecessors previously had not been subject to Frankish regnum.1 For a very long time, scholars took the position that Charlemagne continued to pursue this expansionist strategy throughout the imperial years, i.e., from his coronation on Christmas Day 800 until his final illness in later January 814. For example, Louis Halphen observed: “comme empereur, Charles poursuit, sans plus, l’oeuvre entamée avant l’an 800.”2 F. L. Ganshof, who also wrote several studies treating Charlemagne’s army, was in lock step with Halphen and observed: “As emperor, Charlemagne pursued the political and military course he had been following before 25 December 800.”3


Public Voices ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 115
Author(s):  
Mary Coleman

The author of this article argues that the two-decades-long litigation struggle was necessary to push the political actors in Mississippi into a more virtuous than vicious legal/political negotiation. The second and related argument, however, is that neither the 1992 United States Supreme Court decision in Fordice nor the negotiation provided an adequate riposte to plaintiffs’ claims. The author shows that their chief counsel for the first phase of the litigation wanted equality of opportunity for historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs), as did the plaintiffs. In the course of explicating the role of a legal grass-roots humanitarian, Coleman suggests lessons learned and trade-offs from that case/negotiation, describing the tradeoffs as part of the political vestiges of legal racism in black public higher education and the need to move HBCUs to a higher level of opportunity at a critical juncture in the life of tuition-dependent colleges and universities in the United States. Throughout the essay the following questions pose themselves: In thinking about the Road to Fordice and to political settlement, would the Justice Department lawyers and the plaintiffs’ lawyers connect at the point of their shared strength? Would the timing of the settlement benefit the plaintiffs and/or the State? Could plaintiffs’ lawyers hold together for the length of the case and move each piece of the case forward in a winning strategy? Who were plaintiffs’ opponents and what was their strategy? With these questions in mind, the author offers an analysis of how the campaign— political/legal arguments and political/legal remedies to remove the vestiges of de jure segregation in higher education—unfolded in Mississippi, with special emphasis on the initiating lawyer in Ayers v. Waller and Fordice, Isaiah Madison


Author(s):  
Hugh B. Urban ◽  
Greg Johnson

The Afterword includes an interview with Bruce Lincoln, in which he is asked to reflect on the current study of religion, methods of comparison, and the political implications of academic discourse. In addition to responding to specific points in these chapters, Lincoln also fleshes out what he thinks it would mean “to do better” in the critical study of religion amid the ongoing crises of higher education today. Perhaps most importantly, he reflects upon and clarifies what he means by “irreverence” in the study of religion; an irreverent approach, he concludes, entails a rejection of the sacred status that other people attribute to various things, but not of the people themselves.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document