Gender in Israel

Author(s):  
Reut Itzkovitch-Malka

This chapter traces, identifies, and characterizes the main features of the gender division in Israeli society and politics. It addresses questions relevant to the status of women, as well as the LGBTQ community, and assesses the magnitude of gender inequality in the various societal, cultural, and political arenas. While substantial progress has been made in improving the status of women in Israel, there is still a long road ahead before Israel can achieve true gender equality. In order for such equality to become a reality, genuine change is in order: a focus on the substantive outputs of the Knesset and the government; an emphasis on gender mainstreaming practices; and widespread feminist activity in formal politics, meant to inject critical feminist views into the political system and alter existing gender relations.

Author(s):  
Reut Itzkovitch-Malka

This chapter traces, identifies, and characterizes the main features of the gender division in Israeli society and politics. It addresses questions relevant to the status of women, as well as the LGBTQ community, and assesses the magnitude of gender inequality in the various societal, cultural, and political arenas. While substantial progress has been made in improving the status of women in Israel, there is still a long road ahead before Israel can achieve true gender equality. In order for such equality to become a reality, genuine change is in order: a focus on the substantive outputs of the Knesset and the government; an emphasis on gender mainstreaming practices; and widespread feminist activity in formal politics, meant to inject critical feminist views into the political system and alter existing gender relations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-217
Author(s):  
Bani Syarif Maula

Abstract: Achieving equal opportunities between women and men in political competition has always been a complex process, even though the government has established affirmative policies to encourage a greater role for women in the political sphere. The issue of patriarchal culture and the challenge of religious conservatism can hamper the achievement of the objectives of the affirmation policy for women in competing for elections to occupy the position of parliament members (DPR-RI). This paper discusses the political contestation of women in reaching political positions as people's representatives and the challenges they face in fighting for issues of gender equality in the parliament. This research answers what factors are hampering women's involvement in political contestation, and what challenges are there in fighting for gender equality issues. This study used a qualitative method with a descriptive analysis approach. The theory used in this study was the concept of affirmative action and the theory of gender equality in politics. The results of the discussion showed that the number of women elected in the 2019 Elections increased. Thanks to the affirmative policy ruled by the Indonesian government. However, affirmative policies to meet gender quotas do not only benefit those who have gender equality agendas, but also those who stand with the anti-feminist movement that represents the voices of conservative groups. The issue they are fighting for is still trapped in the gender ideology proclaimed by a patriarchal culture, which assumes women's problems are identical to those of mothers. Therefore, not all elected women MPs explicitly have a gender perspective. الملخص:إن تحقيق تكافؤ الفرص بين النساء والرجال في المنافسة السياسية كان دائمًا عملية معقدة ، على الرغم من أن الدولة وضعت سياسات إيجابية لتشجيع دور أكبر للمرأة في المجال السياسي.يمكن أن تعوق مسألة الثقافة الأبوية وتحدي المحافظة الدينية تحقيق أهداف سياسة التأكيد للمرأة في التنافس على الانتخابات لشغل منصب أعضاء البرلمان (مجلس النواب لجمهورية إندونيسيا). تناقش هذه الورقة التنافس السياسي للمرأة في الوصول إلى المناصب السياسية كممثلة للشعب والتحديات التي تواجهها في الكفاح من أجل قضايا المساواة بين الجنسين في البرلمان.يجيب هذا البحث عن العوامل التي تعوق مشاركة المرأة في التنافس السياسي ، والتحديات التي تواجهها النساء في الكفاح من أجل قضايا المساواة بين الجنسين. تستخدم هذه الدراسة طريقة نوعية مع نهج التحليل الوصفي.النظرية المستخدمة في هذه الدراسة هي مفهوم العمل الإيجابي ونظرية المساواة بين الجنسين في السياسة. تظهر نتائج البحث أن عدد النساء المنتخبات في انتخابات 2019 زاد بنسبة 22 في المائة. بفضل السياسة الايجابية التي تحكمها الحكومة الاندونيسية.ومع ذلك ، فإن السياسات الإيجابية للوفاء بحصص النوع الاجتماعي لا تفيد فقط أولئك الذين لديهم أجندة للمساواة بين الجنسين ، ولكن أيضًا أولئك الذين يقفون إلى جانب الحركة المناهضة للنسوية التي تمثل أصوات الجماعات المحافظة.إن القضية التي يناضلون من أجلها لا تزال عالقة في الأيديولوجية الجنسانية التي أعلنتها ثقافة أبوية ، والتي تفترض أن مشاكل المرأة مماثلة لمشاكل الأمهات.لذلك ، لم يكن لجميع البرلمانيات المنتخبات منظور جنساني بشكل واضح.Abstrak: Mencapai peluang yang setara antara perempuan dan laki-laki dalam persaingan politik selalu menjadi proses yang kompleks, meskipun negara telah menetapkan kebijakan afirmatif untuk mendorong peran yang lebih besar bagi perempuan dalam ranah politik. Persoalan budaya patriarkal dan tantangan konservatisme agama dapat menghambat pencapaian tujuan kebijakan afirmasi bagi perempuan dalam memperebutkan pemilihan untuk menduduki posisi anggota DPR-RI. Kajian ini membahas kontestasi politik perempuan dalam mencapai posisi sebagai wakil rakyat dan tantangan yang mereka hadapi dalam memperjuangkan isu-isu kesetaraan gender di parlemen. Penelitian ini menjawab faktor-faktor apa yang menghambat keterlibatan perempuan dalam kontestasi politik, dan tantangan apa yang dihadapi perempuan dalam memperjuangkan isu kesetaraan gender. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan analisis deskriptif. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah konsep affirmative action dan teori kesetaraan gender dalam politik. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa jumlah perempuan yang terpilih dalam Pemilu 2019 meningkat 22 persen berkat kebijakan afirmatif yang ditetapkan oleh pemerintah. Namun demikian, kebijakan afirmatif untuk memenuhi kuota perempuan tidak hanya menguntungkan mereka yang memiliki agenda kesetaraan gender, tetapi juga mereka yang mendukung gerakan anti-feminis yang mewakili suara-suara kelompok konservatif. Masalah yang mereka perjuangkan masih terjebak dalam ideologi gender yang diproklamasikan oleh budaya patriarki, yang menganggap masalah perempuan identik dengan masalah ibu. Karena itu, tidak semua anggota parlemen perempuan yang terpilih secara eksplisit memiliki perspektif gender.


Author(s):  
Martin C. Njoroge ◽  
Purity Kimani ◽  
Bernard J. Kikech

The way the media processes, frames, and passes on information either to the government or to the people affects the function of the political system. This chapter discusses the interaction between new media and ethnicity in Kenya, Africa. The chapter investigates ways in which the new media reinforced issues relating to ethnicity prior to Kenya’s 2007 presidential election. In demonstrating the nexus between new media and ethnicity, the chapter argues that the upsurge of ethnic animosity was chiefly instigated by new media’s influence. Prior to the election, politicians had mobilized their supporters along ethnic lines, and created a tinderbox situation. Thus, there is need for the new media in Kenya to help the citizens to redefine the status of ethnic relationships through the recognition of ethnic differences and the re-discovery of equitable ways to accommodate them; after all, there is more strength than weaknesses in these differences.


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 54-63
Author(s):  
ERIN SMITH

India is a country of spiritual traditions and paradoxes. Its spiritual verve offers sustenance through personal transformation, truth, harmony, and connection, yet today large numbers of people in India struggle against poverty, abuses, injustice, and inequalities. India is a land of daughters, known for their valour, hope, knowledge, and wealth of spirit, yet today the status of women is one of the country’s greatest challenges and gender equality is fighting an often-silent battle. This study was conceived from the notion that Indian spirituality, in its truest essence, is the antithesis to this gender paradigm, and accordingly, it examined if spirituality can work to achieve a more gender equal and just society. Organized with the support of Dev Sanskriti University, this pilot study sought to uncover a correlation between participants’ spirituality and their beliefs about gender roles, their gender equal attitudes, and gender equal behavior in the home. Though findings revealed no exceptional correlation, results identified a relationship between spirituality and gender equality within which gender discourse should focus and further research should follow. Gender inequality is pervasive in all countries, and such a global crisis deems further exploration into spirituality and gender equality not only compelling but also necessary.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (02) ◽  
pp. 303-308 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristen Renwick Monroe ◽  
William F. Chiu

AbstractAs part of the ongoing work by the Committee on the Status of Women in the Profession (CSWP), we offer an empirical analysis of the pipeline problem in academia. The image of a pipeline is a commonly advanced explanation for persistent discrimination that suggests that gender inequality will decline once there are sufficient numbers of qualified women in the hiring pool. The CSWP believes that it is important to ask whether this phenomenon is actually occurring, because the implication is that we can explain inequality as a function of insufficient numbers of trained women in the pool, rather than as a result of ongoing discrimination that requires alternate remedies. Data from the American Association of University Professors suggests that merely increasing the pool of qualified women has not led to a commensurate number of women rising to the top in academia. Women are still ending up in lower paid jobs, and they continue to earn less than men in comparable positions. More aggressive policies to end discrimination are required.


1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 1242-1257 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allan Kornberg ◽  
Hal H. Winsborough

Systematic empirical research into the process of political leadership recruitment has made substantial progress since World War II with emphasis given to those who occupy formal positions of authority within the political system, specifically, legislators and party activists. Generally such studies have been concerned with delineating (a) who the leaders are, (b) how and why they are where they are, and (c) the variables affecting (a) and (b).The most ambitious recent studies, in the sense that they try to deal systematically with all three aspects of recruitment, are those by Samuel J. Eldersveld, Austin Ranney, and Henry Valen. Their research, and the examples cited of other scholarship, have yielded a substantial number of propositions. Three which lend themselves to testing with data we have gathered on the recruitment of candidates for the Canadian House of Commons, 1945–65, are:1) The status of individuals recruited by a party in part is a function of the party's competitive positions. (Key, Snowiss).2) The status of individuals recruited by a party varies with the party's position on an ideological continuum (Eldersveld, Ranney, Marvick and Nixon, Valen).3) Relative urbanism and the degree of industrialization of communities affect recruitment patterns (Rokkan and Valen, Valen, Snowiss). In the present instance there should be a positive relationship between urbanism and the mean status of candidates.In testing these propositions we will compare, whenever such comparisons appear appropriate, the data for Canadian parliamentary candidates with findings from some of the previously cited studies and also indicate how, in Canada, multi-partyism is related to the status of recruited candidates.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-35
Author(s):  
Juhua Yang

While China’s socialist revolution has been credited with improving the status of women, gender inequality remains. Drawing on macro data, this article provides an overview of gender equality in China, focusing on labor force and political participation in the past 70 years, particularly since 1978, the onset of socioeconomic reform. Specifically, the article describes, compares, and examines the progress and challenges that women face in accessing economic opportunities and political resources. We find a more equal relationship between male and female when resources are relatively adequate, but that females are disadvantaged when resources are scarce, for example, including representation in more prestigious occupations, higher income, and political positions. These findings illustrate how inequality is maintained and reproduced, and suggest that despite China’s progressive socialist agenda, its gender revolution remains ‘stalled.’


Author(s):  
Joanna Ostrouch-Kamińska ◽  
Cristina C. Vieira ◽  
Barbara Merrill

Despite legislation, policies and practice, and while some progress has been made in many countries, there are still no countries who have achieved a hundred per cent gender equality (Gender Equality Index, EIGE, 2019). Over the years this has included several supranational agreements and mandatory regulations signed by countries such as the Convention of the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW, 1979), the Platform of Beijing (1995), the Istanbul Convention (2011), and more recently the UN Sustainable Development Goals (2015), among others. The failure of these initiatives indicate that gender inequality, discrimination and prejudice suffered by women are embedded in structural unequal power relations. The ultimate goal of the ‘gender mainstreaming principle’ is the integration of a gender perspective into the preparation, design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation policies, regulatory measures and spending programmes (including research ones), with a view to promoting gender equality between women and men, and combating discrimination.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 3337-3354
Author(s):  
Devaraj Asir Ramesh ◽  
M.V. Bindu ◽  
Nagarathinam Karthi

Fisherwomen constitute 47% of the total adult coastal and marine fishing populations India.  They share major contribution in fishing of their families either directly or indirectly, especially in post-harvest and land based activities.  They have also been involved in passive fishing such as sea weed gathering, mussel collection, and prawn capturing in near shore coastal ecosystems.  The activities performed by fisherwomen in fishing are diverse and differs to those of men but significant for livelihood of their families.  Fisherwomen activities amount high in the share of economic contribution to coastal fishing in India.  The work performance of fisherwomen in fishing related activities are un-recognised or under recognised.  Gender biased discrimination such as access to resources, control over family; consumption pattern and freedom for domestic expenditure are prevalent in their family and community. Gender mainstreaming activities of the Government are merely recognised by the fishing community.  Gender inequality slows down the economic development and deepens poverty in fishing community. Inadequate recognition of fisherwomen’s contribution in fisheries shall hamper sustainable development process.  Gender equality is a basic of human right, and its achievement shall bring many long term positive changes in human development and socio-economic progress.  A gender audit assesses the extent to which gender equality is effectively institutionalised in the policies, programmes, schemes and in the corresponding budgets.  To measure the gender gap in coastal fisheries in India, Gender Inequality Index (GII) has been studied.  Accordingly, GII in fisheries is 0.618, which is comparatively higher than that of National average (0.563).  This paper discusses the gender gaps in fisheries and requisite gender mainstream activities for fisherwomen empowerment.


2017 ◽  
pp. 110-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kużelewska

This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.


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