scholarly journals FROM THE MOUTH OF SHADOWS: ON THE SURREALIST USE OF AUTOMATISM

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (53) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kasper Opstrup

From surrealism’s beginnings around a Parisian séance table, it oscillated between the occult and the political. One of its key methods, automatism, provided access to both the esoteric and the exoteric: it took form in the mid-19th century as a spiritualist technique for communicating with the other side while, simultanously, this other side could address political issues as equal rights, de-colonisation and a utopian future with an authority coming from beyond the individual. By tracing the development of automatism, the article shows how automatism in surrealism became a call for both a re-orientation of life and an institutional re-organisation by becoming a divination tool for a future community looking back to hermeticism to find a way forward. The article argues that not only can surrealism fruitfully be understood in the light of an occult revival in reaction to crises but, additionally, that it marks the return of and a reaction to a kind of magical thinking in the modern – due to waning religious and socio-economic orthodoxies – that echoes eerily into our own big data contemporary of social medias where we tend to substitute equations with associations.

2021 ◽  
pp. arabic cover-english cover
Author(s):  
أحمد حساني

يندرج هذا البحث ضمن مشروع تأسيسي، وتأصيلي هادف، يسعى إلى تعزيز المقاربة اللسانية البينية للنسق اللغوي بكل مكوناته، والبحث عن قوة الحضور التي يمتلكها، والسلطة التي يمارسها على الفرد منتجِ الخطاب، وعلى الجماعة التي تشكل المجتمع اللغوي؛ حيث إنَّ اللغة قوة فاعلة لها سلطة داخلية وخارجية، تتجلى سلطتها الداخلية في نظامها القواعدي المعقد الذي يوجد بصفة مضمرة في أذهان المتكلمين- المستمعين الذين ينتمون إلى مجتمع له خصوصيات ثقافية وحضارية متجانسة. وتتجلى سلطتها الخارجية في المؤسسة السياسية، والاجتماعية والعرفية التي تكرّس شرعية النسق اللغوي في المجتمع اللغوي. وفي ظل هذا التصور، انصرفت هذه المقاربة إلى التعامل مع النسق اللغوي، من حيث هو سلطة قهرية، والبحث في علاقته باللغة العالمة من جهة، واللغة المؤسسية من جهة أخرى. تسعى هذه الدراسة، حينئذٍ، إلى إيجاد إجابات علميةكافية، عن كثير من الأسئلة التي ما فتئت تشغل بال الباحثين، على اختلاف اهتماماتهم العلمية أثناء اتخاذهم اللغة موضوعًا للتفكير، والبحث المؤسس. نذكر في هذا المقام بعضَها لأهميته: 1- ما القوة الخفية الكامنة في (ما وراء) ممارسة اللغة لسلطتها القهرية لدى الأفراد والمجتمعات؟ 2- كيف شكلت الرواسب الأدائية للكلام هذه السلطة عبر التاريخ ؟ 3- إلى أي حد يمكن للغتين؛ العالمة، والمؤسسية التأثير في مسار النسق اللغوي في مجتمع المعرفة، والنظام المؤسسي في المجتمع؟ This research falls within a constituent, and Authentic project that seeks to enhance Interdisciplinary approach with all components parts of linguistic system to search for the presence power, that possesses the power, that it exercises on the individual who produces the discourse, and on the group; which make up the linguistic community as an effective force language, that has internal and external authority, which reflects its internal authority in its complex grammatical system, that exists implicitly in the minds of speakers - listeners belonging to a society with homogeneous cultural and civilizational privacies. The external authority is manifested in the political, social, and traditional institution; that devotes the legitimacy of the linguistic system in the linguistic community. Under this scenario; the approach went out to deal with the linguistic system in terms of it is a compulsive authority research, and its relationship to the scholarly language on the hand, and the institutional language on the other hand. This intervention seeks to find scientific answers for many questions, that still preoccupy the researchers from different scientific interests during taking the language as a topic of thought and institutional research. We mention certain questions for its importance: 1- What is the hidden power behind language practicing its oppressive authority in individuals and societies? 2- How did the performance remnants of speech shape this authority throughout history? 3- To what extent can the scholarly language and institutional languages influence the path of a linguistic system in the knowledge society, and the institutional system in the community?


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 195-217

Among the various human attitudes toward a pandemic, along with fear, despair and anger, there is also an urge to praise the catastrophe or imbue it with some sort of hope. In 2020 such hopes were voiced in the stream of all the other COVID-19 reactions and interpretations in the form of predictions of imminent social, political or economic changes that may or must be brought on by the pandemic, or as calls to “rise above” the common human sentiment and see the pandemic as some sort of cruel-but-necessary bitter pill to cure human depravity or social disorganization. Is it really possible for a plague of any kind to be considered a relief? Or perhaps a just punishment? In order to assess the validity of such interpretations, this paper considers the artistic reactions to the pandemics of the past, specifically the images of the plague from Alexander Pushkin’s play Feast During the Plague, Antonin Artaud’s essay “The Theatre and the Plague” and Albert Camus’s novel The Plague. These works in different ways explore an attitude in which a plague can be praised in some respect. The plague can be a means of self-overcoming and purification for both an individual and for society. At the same time, Pushkin and Camus, each in his own way and by different means, show the illusory nature of that attitude. A mass catastrophe can reveal the resources already present in humankind, but it does not help either the individual or the society to progress.


Administory ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 185-206
Author(s):  
Anna Gianna Manca

Abstract The paper deals with the question of the administrative districts in an overall Prussian perspective and emphasizes, above all, the central political role played by the provincial districts and their main authorities within the spaces of the state and of administrative activity. On this basis, it will be possible to adequately appreciate the revolutionary but unsuccessful attempt to abolish them in 1848 by the liberaldemocratic wing of the Constitutional Commission of the Prussian National Assembly, as has not yet been accomplished within the existing historiography. First, the origins of the spatial-territorial division of Prussia existing around the middle of the 19th century are discussed. Within this framework special attention has been paid to the introduction of a provincial division, which led to that organization of internal administration into four instances under the minister (provinces, governmental districts, districts, municipalities) which was a peculiarity of the Prussian political and administrative spatial division compared with the other states of the German Confederation. Questions such as those of the basic division of the state’s space are so radical that they are usually raised with some prospect of success only at the foundation of states or during revolutions. Immediately afterwards, they tend to be included in the list of ›depoliticized technicalities‹, although they retain their fundamental importance for ensuring the political and administrative continuity of the state.


Pólemos ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 333-354
Author(s):  
Sidia Fiorato

Abstract Bram Stoker’s Dracula presents an investigation of identity from multiple perspectives: the political stance of the Victorian fin de siècle intersects with questions of identity and their liminal articulation through narrative control. The count becomes a “thick” synecdoche for the East and his arrival to England symbolises a reverse political and cultural colonisation that leads to a new image of the individual, revealing the innermost recesses of Western culture.


1969 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 397-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincent Lemieux

Duncan Black has proposed a theory of political choices in which the individual ordering of preferences and voting procedures in committees are the basic elements. This paper shows that the theory must also take into account certain “objective” orders of preferences which affect individual rankings. To this end, the author analyses the results of a pre-1968 election poll in the federal ridings of Langelier and Louis-Hébert. All the respondents do not rank the four parties (Liberal, Progressive Conservative, New Democratic Party, and Social Credit Rally) in the same order; this can be explained in terms of the complexity of political issues, party strategies, or certain social characteristics of the respondents. The ranking by a majority of the respondents seemed related to two sets of criteria. The first, the sociopolitical, corresponds roughly to a left-right axis, on which the parties are aligned as follows: NDP–Liberals–Progressive Conservatives–Créditistes; the second is an ethnic criterion, according to which the parties take this order: Créditistes–Liberals–Progressive Conservatives–NDP.Among the other insights provided by the analysis, two are particularly important: the strong rejection of the Social Credit Rally by those who do not place it first, and the indifference towards the other parties by those who do.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 361-381
Author(s):  
Éva Debray

In his introduction to the first German translation of Durkheim’s Division of Labour in Society, Luhmann hails the work as a “classic” of sociology, stressing its continued relevance and the need to persist in thinking with Durkheim. The present study focuses on this interpretative gesture, that is, on how Luhmann read Durkheim and set out a research program for sociology by defining its field of investigation, paying particular attention to his discussion of Durkheim’s approach to modern individuality. According to this interpretation, the French sociologist worked out a “sociological” conceptualization of the individual. On the one hand, in Luhmann’s view, Durkheim’s theory sheds light on a decrease in social control. On the other hand, he stresses that this inquiry into individuality was closely connected with a critical investigation of another conception of the individual that seems to derive from it, namely, the idea of human beings as “self-constituting.” Nevertheless, a complete examination of Luhmann’s interpretative gesture must also consider what is overlooked, namely the political conception of the individual Durkheim aimed to develop. In an attempt to fill this gap, this article highlights the political effects that such an occultation may entail.


Aethiopica ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 92-104
Author(s):  
Stéphane Ancel

The article deals with a peculiar document that was found during a field research conducted by the team of the Ethio-SPARE project during the spring 2010 in church libraries of Gulo Mäkäda wäräda, north-east Təgray (historical ʿAgame). This document is a Gəʿəz text written during the 19th century and dedicated to the refutation of the Catholic doctrine. Because of its apparent historical significance, the text and its translation are presented here. Taking into consideration the literary form (discourse) of the work and the place where it was found (the area of the active Catholic preaching) we can assume that the text is a summary of the anti-Catholic argumentation, possibly used by the Orthodox priests, and a witness of the local attitude to the Catholic missionary activities. The treatise does not provide any hints to the political issues of the Catholic settlement in Ethiopia. However, it does highlight some elements of the discourse against Catholic faith in the context of the emergence of a strong religious Täwaḥǝәdo identity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 81 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 81-98
Author(s):  
Natalia L. Tornesello

Abstract The travelogues from the late-19th century voyages of Iranians offer important knowledge on the political, social and cultural history of the modern state. Attention has been directed mainly towards the diaries of travels in Europe, less to the works recording the impressions of those who, for various reasons, travelled within the country during the Qâjâr era. Among these, the Khâterât-e Hâjj Sayyâh, by Mirzâ Mohammad ‘Ali Mahallâti, better known as Hâjj Sayyâh, is of remarkable interest. The article examines several aspects of this ‘travel diary’; in particular their revelation of the author’s critical and pessimistic vision of his homeland and those who are currently governing it. We observe the processes of defining a national ‘self’ in contrast to the ‘other’, influenced by comparisons between Europe and the needs for modernisation, but also from memories of greatness.


Author(s):  
Andrea Gamberini

This chapter analyses power relations in the countryside, focusing on the relationships between the lords of the castle and the dependent peasants. The aim is twofold: on the one hand, to highlight the absence of a shared political culture and, on the other, to describe the individual ideas of each social group (the culture of violence promulgated by the lords, the attempt to establish pacts on the part of the peasants, the role of conflict in implementing political ties, etc.). In the face of such divergence, the chapter investigates the ways in which opposing political cultures could coexist and interact.


1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Quataert

In 1826, Sultan Mahmud II orchestrated the slaughter of 6,000–7,000 janissaries and, in order to incinerate any janissary remnants that had taken refuge there, burned the Belgrade Forest outside Istanbul. During his reign (1808–39), the sultan attacked many of the other bases of the ancien régime, such as the timar system, the lifetime tax farms, and the political autonomy of provincial notables. He also centralized the pious foundations, brought them under a special ministry, and expropriated their revenues. Such stories of Sultan Mahmud's dramatic and violent policies, as well as their 18th-century origins and their 19th-century legacies, are familiar ones in Ottoman and Middle Eastern history. It is a commonplace that Sultan Mahmud aimed to dismantle the power of the military and religious classes in favor of a new bureaucracy of administrators and scribes. And it is also known that his efforts had a major impact on the subsequent evolution of the Tanzimat reform programs during the later 19th century.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document