Political Transitions, Value Change and Motorisation in 1970s Portugal

2013 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
M. Luísa Sousa ◽  
Rafael Marques
Keyword(s):  
Road Safety ◽  
Environmental Safety ◽  
Political Transitions ◽  
Safety Measures ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
The Social ◽  
Oil Crisis ◽  
Political Turmoil ◽  
Revolutionary Period

During the revolutionary period of 1974–76, there was vigorous debate in Portugal regarding the role of automobiles in the desired new society. The dispute was reinforced by the first international oil crisis. Strong ideological rhetoric was deployed either to defend the potentially liberating role of the automobile or to condemn its ‘bourgeois' underpinnings. This debate influenced social movements, policies, perceptions and views of social actors, thus contributing to market distortions, a short-lived disappearance of luxury and sports cars and to the creation of new models deemed to be adapted to the ‘true’ needs of the Portuguese. It also contributed to changes in automobile assemblage industry, road policy and delays in the implementation of road safety measures. Environmental, safety and traffic concerns were subdued, for a while, by a more essentialist approach to car consumption, with opposing interests trying to define the social spirit of automobile ownership and usage. The political turmoil of the period and the lack of coherent and durable policies account for the period being an intermission and not the beginning of a new trend.

scholarly journals Anti-migrant Islamophobia in Europe. Social roots, mechanisms and actors

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (53) ◽  
pp. 25-40
Author(s):  
Fabio Perocco
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Internal Structure ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
Social Origins ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Muslim Immigrants ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Mass Media

Abstract During the last two decades of rising anti-migrant racism in Europe, Islamophobia has proven to be the highest, most acute, and widely spread form of racism. The article shows how anti-migrant Islamophobia is a structural phenomenon in European societies and how its internal structure has specific social roots and mechanisms of functioning. Such an articulate and interdependent set of key themes, policies, practices, discourses, and social actors it is intended to inferiorise and marginalise Muslim immigrants while legitimising and reproducing social inequalities affecting the majority of them. The article examines the social origins of anti-migrant Islamophobia and the modes and mechanisms through which it naturalises inequalities; it focuses on the main social actors involved in its production, specifically on the role of some collective subjects as anti-Muslim organizations and movements, far-right parties, best-selling authors, and the mass-media.

scholarly journals Thai Gender Ideology: A View from Representations of Social Actors in Crime News Headlines

MANUSYA ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-49
Author(s):  
Phennapha Klaisingto ◽  
Wirote Aroonmanakun
Keyword(s):  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Gender Ideology ◽  
Gender Identities ◽  
Gender Ideologies ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
The Social ◽  
Crime News ◽  
Study Power ◽  
News Headlines

This study examines the linguistic structure used for uncovering gender ideologies through crime news headlines. It’s based on the idea that languages represent reality and different linguistic choices indicate different points of view of reality. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) (Fairclough 1990,VanDijk 1995, Simpson 1993) is used in this study. The main objectives of the study are 1) to study the differences of representation between male and female social actors (Van Leeuwan 2008) in crime news headlines and 2) to study power relations, gender identities and the reproduction of patriarchal society through crime news headlines. Samples of 1,815 crime news headlines are analyzed in this study. The result shows that Thai crime news constructs gender identities based on gender ideology. Thai crime news headlines convey a variety of linguistic meanings which allow for varying forms of representation of social actors, including exclusion and inclusion of social actors. The exclusion of male social actors in headlines may be ideologically motivated by obscuring the responsibility of male actors for negative actions, whereas the exclusion of female social actors does not have the same effect because their referents can be inferred from the headline context. In addition, the inclusion of social actors varies according to the social actor’s sex. Male actors are usually referred to using a functionalization form or an appraisement form, whereas female actors are usually referred to using an identification form. These representations reflect the role of masculinity and femininity among men and women in the society.

From paradise to brand

2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-135
Author(s):  
Rainer Hülsse
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Social Reality ◽  
Social World ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Financial Centre ◽  
The Social ◽  
International Image ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Considerable Body

Metaphors construct social reality, including the actors which populate the social world. A considerable body of research has explored this reality-constituting role of metaphors, yet little attention has been paid to the attempts of social actors to influence the metaphorical structure by which they are constituted. The present article conceptualises the relationship between actor and metaphorical structure as one of mutual constitution. Empirically, it analyses how until the late 1990s Liechtenstein was constructed as an attractive financial centre by metaphors such as haven and paradise, how then a metaphorical shift constituted the country more negatively, before Liechtenstein finally fought back: with the help of the new brand-metaphor and also a professional image campaign the country tried to repair its international image.

scholarly journals Corruption, Political Stability and Economic Growth

2016 ◽  
Vol 55 (4I-II) ◽  
pp. 689-702 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ghulam Shabbir ◽  
Mumtaz Anwar ◽  
Shahid Adil
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Institutional Quality ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Jel Classification ◽  
Conditional Cooperation ◽  
Positive Role ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Turmoil

This paper gives insight of the role of political stability in investigating the two competing hypotheses in Developing Eight Muslim countries, and also investigates whether conditional liaison between corruption and political stability matters or not. The empirical findings indicate that investment, population and political stability play positive role in promoting economic growth. Corruption not only impact growth but also influenced by the institutional quality that a nation experiences. Corruption acts as sands in the wheels in the nations having higher degree of political stability, and greases the wheels in less politically stable countries such as Nigeria and Pakistan. Thus, political stability is conducive to growth, as it reduces the social unrests, political turmoil, and encourages investment, and there by economic growth. JEL Classification: C30, D73, O43, P48 Keywords: Corruption, Economic Growth, Political Stability, Conditional Cooperation

scholarly journals The October 2019 Protests in Lebanon: Between Contention and Reproduction

2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-Noëlle Abiyaghi ◽  
Léa Yammine
Keyword(s):  
Power Sharing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Conceptual Approach ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
The Past ◽  
Geographical Spread ◽  
The Social ◽  
Longitudinal Approach ◽  
Political Structures

The Lebanese power sharing consociational system has structurally engendered recurring protest cycles: student mobilisations, labour and union mobilising, left-wing collectives, as well as a more routinised associative sector. In a long temporality, and looking at these movements in a longitudinal approach, changes they appear to be seeking appear to be marginal or quite limited, which may lead to the observation that contentious movements play the role of mere relief outlet within the system they are challenging, hence, contributing to the permanence of the social and political structures they are challenging. The past year has witnessed the emergence of a mobilisation cycle in the country that displays a continuity with previous forms of organising, although unprecedented in terms of its geographical spread over the territory. To understand how this current protest cycle unfolds, its dynamics, and limits, we propose to consider how social actors “move” in a contested, competitive, ever-shifting and evolving arena, rather than a homogeneous one. We rely on a three-fold conceptual approach that focuses on the analysis of the interactions and dynamics between actors, and the strategies they employ: persuasion, coercion, and retribution.

scholarly journals The Social Workers Challenges on Community Welfare in Ungogo Community, Nigeria

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kehinde Adekunle Aliyu ◽  
Jamaluddin Mustaffa ◽  
Norruzeyati Che Mohd Nasir
Keyword(s):  
Social Workers ◽  
Road Safety ◽  
Common Knowledge ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Qualitative Research Design ◽  
Standards Of Living ◽  
The Social ◽  
Interview Guide

The role of social workers in a community cannot be overemphasised by any mean, for the life span of any community depends on the quality of the social workers. The aim of this work is to affirm the roles of social workers in helping the community welfare.  Qualitative research design was adopted for the work. Data collected with the Interview Schedule for Officials of the Federal Road Safety Corps and Interview Guide for selected group of people. This was administered to 30 respondents, which comprises both male and female in the Ungogo community. The purpose of the study was to examine the roles of social workers, in line with improved standards of living, sustained economic development and expansion of trade and economic relations in the community; enhanced levels of international competitiveness in the areas of community welfare, organization for increased productivity of people in the community. It common knowledge every individual strife to be the best when receive the necessary or adequate encouragement. To these extents, such a person bears some responsibilities even if passively so as a member. The implication of this work is to contribute to social change by informing social worker on their challenges and responsibilities ahead of them in the community.

When Music Changes, so Does the Dance

2021 ◽  
pp. 262-283
Author(s):  
Gözde Morgül ◽  
Mine Afacan Fındıklı
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Social Exclusion ◽  
Social Entrepreneurship ◽  
Critical Value ◽  
Social Enterprises ◽  
Social Value ◽  
Social Entrepreneurs ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
The Social

This chapter examines the role of social enterprises/entrepreneurs from the perspective of the COVID-19 outbreak and discussed the importance of social entrepreneurship. In this context, answers to the following questions are sought: Did social enterprises/entrepreneurs stand out during the COVID-19 era, particularly the social value they created? Do social enterprises/entrepreneurs perform studies especially for groups experiencing social exclusion during the COVID-19 era? The study based on qualitative research reveals that by producing innovative, fast, and effective solutions social initiatives have won the approval of society. The headlines of leading media outlets published between December 2019 and June 2020 and discourses from social actors confirm the rising critical value of social entrepreneurs.

Vakbonden en sociaal overleg in het laatste kwart van de XX° eeuw

Res Publica ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-117
Author(s):  
Willy Peirens
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Institutional Framework ◽  
Economic Democracy ◽  
Unique Character ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Partners ◽  
Oil Crisis ◽  
The Government ◽  
Role Of The Government

The unique character of the socio-economic negociations in Belgium has lost much of its glamour and prestige during the last quarter of the 20th century.  While before 1975, there was more or less agreement among the social partners to redistribute welfare to the whole society, after the first oil crisis employers tended to see themselves in competition with other employers, with the trade unions and with the state. Both employers' organisations as trade unions wanted to safeguard their own priorities, respectively the competitiveness of the enterprises and the system of indexation. As a consequence, it became very difficult to reach agreements and hence, there have been no or only very small interprofessional agreements signed since 1975.The role of the government in this period evolved from the role of host for the negociations to that of co-actor and finally to director. When no agreement was possible between the social partners, the govenrment itself took the initiative and both trade unions and employers' organisations tried to lobby the government rather than being partners in negociations. The measures of the government, especially those taken with extra-ordinary powers, were often beneficial for the employers. Despite the emphasis by the trade unions on employment, their efforts beared not much fruit. The first priority of both the government and the employers was the enhancement of the financial and the economic situation of the country. Since the interprofessional agreement of 1999-2000, a new period bas begun. Trade unions and employers' organisations are constrained by what happens in the rest of Europe. Between these constaints, they can negociate and conclude agreements on the basis of freedom and responsibility.The level of negociations shifted in this period from the interprofessional level to the level of the sector or even to the level of the enterprise. Another trend is the creation of an institutional framework for social talks on the Flemish level.The challenges for the future are the installation of a European or even an international world-wide institutional framework for social negociations and the development of themes as permanent education, quality of life and work and the enhancement of the socio-economic democracy.

Silencing the voice of Bahrain? Regime-critical media and Bahrain’s London diaspora

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Fibiger
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Digital Surveillance ◽  
The Social ◽  
Critical Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
Political Turmoil ◽  
The Voice

This article discusses the role of a politically mobilized diaspora in the media and politics of Bahrain. The political turmoil of several decades has resulted in the exile of a sizeable community of Bahrainis, and many key activists have settled in London. From here they continue to work with a variety of political activities and a variety of media to put pressure on both Gulf and European regimes. The article traces the development of media forms, from a print newspaper formed out of the diasporic experience, via a particular community-driven homepage opened in Bahrain in 1998, whose creator fled to London after the 2011 ‘Arab Spring’ uprising, to the diversity of the social media that now dominates. In this regard, the role of digital surveillance, and subsequent demobilization and increasing silence, are key to the discussion.

The Politics of Innovation Policy: Building Israel’s “Neo-developmental” State

2020 ◽  
pp. 003232922094552
Author(s):  
Erez Maggor
Keyword(s):  
Innovation Policy ◽  
Public Investment ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Developmental State ◽  
High Tech ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Subsequent Transformation ◽  
The Social ◽  
Private Actors

This article contributes to an emerging literature on the “neo” or “entrepreneurial” developmental state that emphasizes the role of innovation policy in promoting the structural transformation of industry. It finds further evidence that supports this approach and advances it by making two unique contributions. First, it highlights an essential yet underappreciated feature of contemporary innovation policy: the state’s capacity to condition public assistance and discipline private firms that do not adhere to government guidelines. These capacities are necessary to guarantee that the benefits of public investment in innovation—the social and economic spillovers—are not appropriated by private actors but shared more broadly within society. Second, it highlights that politics—reflected in the relations between innovation agencies and key social actors—represents an important causal factor in both the formation and subsequent transformation of these institutional capacities. These points are illustrated through a historical analysis of a crucial case: the state-led development of Israel’s thriving high-tech sector.

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