Toward Historical Accountability and Remembrance: The German Society for Internal Medicine and Its Legacies From the Nazi Past

2020 ◽  
Vol 173 (5) ◽  
pp. 375-379
Author(s):  
Hans-Georg Hofer ◽  
Ralf Forsbach ◽  
Ulrich R. Fölsch
Blood ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 136 (Supplement 1) ◽  
pp. 42-42
Author(s):  
Carolin Jakob ◽  
Aurélie Bauquet ◽  
Renaud Buffet ◽  
Maria Vehreschild ◽  
Janne Vehreschild

Background:Because bacterial infections are a common complication during neutropenia and a major cause for morbidity and mortality, patients with Acute Myeloid Leukaemia (AML) often receive prolonged courses of broad-spectrum antibiotics during induction chemotherapy. This extended exposure to antibiotics deeply disrupts the gut microbiota and may result in its colonization by resistant, opportunistic and potentially pathogenic microbes.Clostridioides difficile (C.difficile)is one such bacteria often found in patients whose microbiota has been strongly disrupted. Aim:The purpose of this study was to measure the incidence ofC. difficileinfection (CDI) in newly diagnosed AML patients who received induction chemotherapy and to evaluate the association between CDI and the use of antibiotics. Methods:We retrospectively studied the medical history of patients treated from 01/2016 to 12/2018 at the Department of Internal Medicine I of the University Hospital Cologne. The observational period was defined as 100 successive days after onset of induction chemotherapy or from onset of induction chemotherapy until microbiological confirmed CDI, or until death, whichever event occurred first. The diagnosis of CDI was confirmed by microbiological findings indicating the presence of toxin-producingC. difficilein stool isolates of symptomatic patients. The associations between therapeutic and prophylactic antibiotics and CDI were determined by use of a multivariable backward-stepwise binary logistic regression model. Findings:133 patients were included in the study. 30 patients developed CDI during the study period. 5 patients had two episodes or more. The incidence rate for CDI per 10,000 patient days in the observational period was 29.9. The incidence rates of CDI for the period after onset of induction chemotherapy reached 10.5% (n=14) at 8 weeks and 18.8% (n=25) at 120 days. In the analysis, we could not identify a specific antibiotic as risk factor for CDI but the result may be biased by the different mean observational periods for the group with and without CDI (the observational period for the group with CDI ends at the day of CDI). Conclusions:CDI is a frequent comorbidity affecting patients with newly diagnosed AML and receiving induction chemotherapy and deserves the attention of the medical teams in charge of the patients for adequate prevention and treatment approaches. Disclosures Bauquet: Da Volterra:Current Employment.Buffet:Da Volterra:Current Employment;Alfa Collaborative Group:Current Employment.Vehreschild:Berlin Chemie:Consultancy, Honoraria;Organobalance:Research Funding, Speakers Bureau;Pfizer:Research Funding, Speakers Bureau;Da Volterra:Research Funding;Seres Therapeutics:Research Funding;Astellas Pharma:Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau;3M:Research Funding;Gilead:Research Funding, Speakers Bureau;MSD/Merck:Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau;Basilea:Speakers Bureau.Vehreschild:Rigshospitalet Copenhagen:Research Funding;Academy for Infectious Medicine:Honoraria;University Manchester:Honoraria;German Society for Infectious Diseases (DGI):Honoraria;Ärztekammer Nordrhein:Honoraria;University Hospital Aachen:Honoraria;Back Bay Strategies:Honoraria;German Society for Internal Medicine (DGIM):Honoraria;Merck / MSD:Research Funding;Gilead:Research Funding;Pfizer:Research Funding;Astellas Pharma:Research Funding;Basilea:Research Funding;German Centre for Infection Research (DZIF):Research Funding;), German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF):Research Funding;(PJ-T: DLR):Research Funding;University of Bristol:Research Funding;Merck/MSD:Honoraria;Gilead:Honoraria;Pfizer:Honoraria;Astellas Pharma:Honoraria;Basilea:Honoraria;German Centre for Infection Research (DZIF):Honoraria;University Hospital Freiburg/ Congress and Communication:Honoraria.


2019 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-271
Author(s):  
Mathew Turner ◽  
Tony Joel ◽  
David Lowe

Through the consultation and examination of meeting minutes, correspondence, and memoranda, this article contends that a political-scholarly nexus characterized the formation of the Munich-based Institut für Zeitgeschichte and directly shaped its research activities within the first decade of its existence, from 1949 to 1958. As a government-funded body it was obliged to service the needs of those governments at a federal and state level, in response to bureaucratic, administrative, and judicial demands – most notably the construction of expert reports (or Gutachten) in response to government requests for advice. The research directions of the Institute were driven by the demands of West German society beginning to come to terms with its Nazi past, and expressed through its political representatives.


2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 464-494
Author(s):  
Dario Pasquini

This article compares Italian and German memory cultures of Fascism and Nazism using an analysis of Italian and West- and East-German satirical magazines published from 1943 to 1963. In the early post-war period, as a consequence of the anti-Fascist and anti-Nazi policies in Italy and in Germany that had been put into effect by the Allied occupation authorities, a significant part of the Italian and German public felt anxiety regarding the Fascist and the Nazi past and feared these past regimes as potential sources of contamination. But many, both in Italy and Germany, also reacted by denying that their country needed any sort of ‘purification’. This article’s main argument is that the interaction between these two conflicting positions exercised different effects in the three contexts considered. In Italy, especially during the years after 1948, the satirical press produced images that either rendered Fascism banal or praised it, representing it as a phenomenon which was an ‘internal’ and at least partly positive product of Italian society. I define this process as a sweetening ‘internalization’ of Fascism. In East Germany, by contrast, Nazism was represented through images linking the crimes committed in the Nazi concentration camps, depicted as a sort of ‘absolute evil’, with the leadership of the FRG, considered ‘external’ to ‘true’ German society. I define this process as a ‘demonizing’ externalization of Nazism, by which I mean a tendency to represent Nazism as a ‘monstrous’ phenomenon. In the West German satirical press, on the other hand, Nazism was not only ‘externalized’ by comparing it to the East German Communist dictatorship, but also ‘internalized’ by implying that it was a negative product of German society in general and by calling for public reflection on responsibility for the Nazi crimes, including West Germany as the Nazi regime’s successor. The demonization of the regime also played a crucial role in this self-critical ‘internalization’ of Nazism.


2015 ◽  
pp. 99-103
Author(s):  
Evgeny L. Kauganov

Analyses the attitudes towards the Nazi past that existed in West German society from 1945 through the 1950s. The author considers the social and political situation in the Federal Republic of Germany, the concept of “zero hour”, and collective guilt thesis that were tackled in the publications of sociopolitical character. The author concludes that in Germany in the post­war period, a specific “victim’s mentality” prevailed that rejected the idea of collective guilt and responsibility for the Nazi crimes.


2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Esra Özyürek

AbstractSince the year 2000, remembering the Holocaust and fighting anti-Semitism have come to be accepted as cornerstones of European identity. The flip side of this development has been racialization of Muslims by singling them out as the main contemporary anti-Semites. After discussing the emergence of the concept “Muslim anti-Semitism,” I scrutinize government-issued reports and anti-Semitism-prevention programs in Germany. I show how the recent wave of struggle against anti-Semitism depicts Muslims as outsiders who bring unwanted ideologies, evaluates their anti-Semitism as more dangerous than that of right-wing German nationals, and attributes to Muslims culturally transmitted psychopathologies that make Muslim nations prone to anti-Semitism. Experts locate the root of Turkish anti-Semitism in their “myth of tolerance toward Jews,” and of Arab anti-Semitism in their sense of a “false victimhood” and “desire for power and pride.” Educators focus on each nationality separately to distinguish these alleged group-specific myths and feelings. Efforts and money that go into producing nation-specific Muslim anti-Semitisms depict a new Germany that has fully liberated itself from any anti-democratic tendencies surviving from its Nazi past. It also obscures connections between anti-Semitism and anti-Muslim racism, both of which are active forces in mainstream German society.


2017 ◽  
Vol 142 (24) ◽  
pp. 1862-1867 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralf Forsbach ◽  
Hans-Georg Hofer

Abstract51 years after its founding in 1882, the "Congress for Internal Medicine", 1920 renamed "German Society for Internal Medicine (DGIM)", fell into heavy water. While during the Kaiserreich and the Weimar Republic the medical care for the individual patient had never been seriously questioned, the proclaimed “Third Reich” brought fundamental changes. The 1164 male and 13 female physicians, who had been organized in the DGIM 1933, had to position themselves in the Nazi dictatorship. The same applied for the society as a whole.The behavior of the German Society of Internal Medicine during the Nazi period is disenchanting. The society completely subordinated to the Nazi regime. The scientific program of the meetings was oriented to the ideological interests of the regime. Solidarity with nazi-persecuted people is only apparent in rare cases. On the contrary, even DGIM chairmen were involved in expulsions and NS-medical crimes. Cautious criticism was limited to a few areas, such as the “Neue Deutsche Heilkunde” (“New German Healing”) and the study conditions at the universities. Only individual DGIM members developed oppositional behavior on the basis of personal conviction.In accordance with the more recent research on the Nazi era, these results both clarify and broaden the picture of scientific organizations in general and medical societies in particular.


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