scholarly journals CULTURE, LANGUAGE AND IDENTITY: TOWARDS A SYNERGY IN IGBO VIDEO-FILM

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chukwuma Anyanwu ◽  
Bifatife Olufemi Adeseye

Nollywood, the adopted name of the Nigerian Film Industry, can be argued, would not have been but for Igbo movie makers and business men and women. This is not a mean contribution to the economic, social and political life of the nation. But how much and to what extent has the industry been utilized by the film makers to uphold the integrity, culture, language and overall image of the Igbo nation? This paper tries to examine how the Igbo movie has been used or not used to rebrand the Igbo ways of life. How it has fared in the hands of the people, the makers and viewers and how it has treated the issues dear to the people, such as culture, language and identity. How far has the Igbo video film been faithful to, projected, or tried to preserve these ways of life of the Igbo people? The movie has become one of the major items on the people’s daily conversation menu and as such, cannot be ignored except by the most backward of people. This is why this paper sets out to examine ways via which the medium can be utilized to appeal more to the people, make their culture more relevant and create avenues for its projection and preservation.

1960 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 66-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. J. Honey

“This is an historic event of great significance in the political life of the Vietnam Workers' Party and people. With incomparable feelings of joy, we warmly congratulate the conference on its important achievements.” So ran the editorial in the Jen-min Jih-pao (People's Daily) on the morning of September 12, although—unless the Chinese are a nation of masochists, which I refuse to believe—it is hard to discover the reason for this jubilation, for China had just suffered her most humiliating defeat to date in the ideological war she is waging against the Soviet Union. The occasion was the Third Congress of the Vietnam Lao-Dong, or Workers', Party, which met in Hanoi from September 5 to 10. Since it was the first such congress for nine years, the Vietnamese Communists had spared neither trouble nor expense to make it a resounding success. Official delegations from the fraternal parties of eleven Communist states attended, together with representatives from Communist parties of seven non-Communist countries and fraternal diplomats stationed in Hanoi. The date of the congress had been carefully fixed so that proceedings would open three days after North Vietnam's National Day, and the foreign visitors had been invited to come a few days early to sample the delights of this celebration too.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesca Triggs

Following its emergence as a popular social byword, in 2012 the term “positive energy” was adopted into frequent usage in Chinese political discourse. Previous studies have analysed the term’s usage in a social context alongside a growing interest in positive psychology, resulting in a portrayal of its main function as that of spreading hope and optimism in the face of challenges. This study now seeks to understand the ideological function the term has served in the political sphere, arguing for a deeper understanding of positive energy discourse within a Gramscian framework of political consensus-building, aimed at reinforcing CCP hegemony. This is shown through an exploratory analysis of People’s Daily Online articles inspired by framing and content-analysis theory, which considers the thematic components, sub-frame problems and actors of the term since the beginning of Xi Jinping’s time in power. The results of this analysis reveal four key trends. These are a focus on challenges which undermine Party dominance; an emphasis on ideas of social responsibility, and communality of interest between the state and the people; a promotion of moral action a grassroots level; and the advocation of state authority over the Internet. The results demonstrate how positive energy discourse has encouraged a popular consensus around CCP hegemony, creating a Gramscian “common sense” due to its grassroots origins, association with an increasingly popular positive psychology movement, and in-built connotations of happiness.


2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-37
Author(s):  
Qingye Tang ◽  
Liang He

This article draws on critical discourse analysis to examine how China’s mainstream newspaper People’s Daily represents illicit drugs from 1949 to 2016. The quantity of drug reports varies but has steadily increased with the severity of drug situations. Lexical variations show the prevalence of synthetic drugs and the newspaper’s major concern about drugs at different times. The diverse representations of drug types reveal the historical change in illicit drug use, production, and trafficking, and the rhetorical use of drug argots and metaphors disguises the outcomes of addiction and drug trade. The discursive variations in the reporting on illicit drugs are markedly conditioned by the social change and the domestic and global drug context and also reflect the evolution in China’s drug policies and attitudes toward drugs in society. The findings reveal the gradual shifts from the government’s strong ideological vigilance, concerns over Western imperialism, and the advocacy for strict law enforcement and draconian punishment to the people-oriented and public health approach.


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Mo Li ◽  
Mohammed Albakry

Abstract Based on a corpus of 200 articles from the People’s Daily and the People’s Daily Overseas Edition collected from 2010 to 2012, we examined the representation of English, applying framing theory (Chong & Druckman, 2007). The results indicate four dominant frames shared by both newspapers: exclusion/oppression, warfare/protection, yardstick/benchmark, and bridge/needs. Both papers perceive the English language as a resource while constructing a Chinese identity fundamentally in competition with a Western identity reinforced by the English language. However, while both papers project the image of China as a unified, benign country proud of its linguistic and cultural heritage, the Overseas Edition seems more conscious in representing China as a motherland in need of protection from the threatening socio-cultural force of English. The article seeks to contribute to the growing body of research on language and identity in China, English and globalization, and the perception of English in the expanding circle.


ASTONJADRO ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 207
Author(s):  
Diah Intan Kusumo Dewi ◽  
Jihan Hafizha ◽  
Anita Ratnasari Rakhmatulloh

<p>The Covid-19 Pandemic was indicated in March 2020, which has changed people's daily activities patterns. Implementing the restricting regulation imposed by the government made some of the people's daily activities diverted to an online system. As a result, community mobility has decreased, especially on private car usage. However, there is a shift in vehicle usage which many people are starting to switch their mode to the private car in daily travel. This condition was predicted would continue even after the Pandemic ends. The increase in private car usage will worsen the congestion than before the Covid-19 Pandemic appropriate steps and handling are needed to prevent the increase in congestion. One of them is by knowing the characteristics and journeys of private car users during the Covid-19 Pandemic. This research is a typology of private car users during the Covid-19 Pandemic to identify the similarities and differences in the characteristics possessed by each private car user through the typological groups formed. Through this research, it can be seen the movement patterns and characteristics of the people who use private cars. This study uses the Hierarchical Cluster Analysis method. The analysis is based on several variables such as private car usage frequency variables, socioeconomic characteristics variables, demographic variables, household variables, and household travel patterns object of this research is 107 households which are owners and use of private cars for further analysis and form clusters of private car users that have the same characteristics of each cluster. The typology of private car users is compiled based on the unique characteristics possessed by each cluster that is formed. The results of this study are 8 typologies of private car users, which are divided from intensive users to irregular users. Typology 1 has the largest number of respondents and dominates the frequency of trips by private car users. The benefit of this research for the government is as input in the formulation of policies to regulate the use of private cars so that the policies taken by the government can be right on target</p>


2020 ◽  
pp. 31-34
Author(s):  
Rahat Mukambetovna Mukasheva

The author outlines that nowadays, the question of the influence of gender stereotypes on the role and participation of Kyrgyz women in politics, from a linguistic point of view, has been little studied in Kyrgyzstan. The article is devoted to the ethnocultural traditions and gender stereotypes of the Kyrgyz society that affect the activity and involvement of women in the political life of the state. The author pays attention to the role of Kyrgyz women in the history of the country, examines Kyrgyz proverbs and folk clichés, which are the folk heritage of the people. The purpose of the article is to identify ethnocultural factors that determine the gender roles of men and women, as well as their impact on society. Research methods. During the study a descriptive method was applied. The following folklore materials were taken as a basis: Kyrgyz proverbs from "Kyrgyz makal, lakap, uchkul sozdoru" by M. Ibragimov, traditional rules of relationships between people of different ages and genders, principles of youth upbringing. As a result of the analysis, the author concludes that the traditions and stereotypes of Kyrgyz society endow men and women with gender traditional roles: a man plays a major role in the family, in society and is engaged in “male affairs”, while a woman is assigned a secondary role, she only deals with home and family. It is emphasized that such attitudes largely limit the political activity of women.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 125-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haiyan Wang ◽  
Colin Sparks ◽  
Yu Huang

The development of the market has produced a differentiation inside the Chinese press between an ‘official’ press with traditional propaganda functions on behalf of the Communist Party and a ‘commercial’ press whose objective is to maximise revenue. Scholarly opinion has differed over whether marketization undermines Party control and whether new forms of journalism have arisen that lead to conflicts. These discussions have rested on little evidence as to the practises of Chinese journalism. This article presents empirical data on the extent of the differentiation, reporting on a content analysis of the national news in People’s Daily and Southern Metropolitan Daily. These titles are popularly believed to represent the polar opposites of official, orthodox journalism and commercial, liberal journalism. The evidence presented here demonstrates that while there are indeed significant differences in the journalism of the two titles, there remains a substantial overlap in their choice of subjects, their use of sources and the degree to which news is presented ‘objectively’. Southern Metropolitan Daily does display some ‘popular’ features and does contain more ‘watchdog’ journalism, but it shares with its official cousin an emphasis upon the party as the source for news.


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