A Theory of Constrained Redistricting

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas R. Seabrook
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Theoretical Argument ◽  
Structural Constraints ◽  
Voting Rights Act ◽  
Partisan Bias ◽  
Legal Constraints ◽  
Fundamental Tension ◽  
The Impact

This chapter discusses the theoretical argument that congressional redistricting, whether by a single party or by other means, is a fundamentally constrained activity, along with the implications of these constraints for both partisan bias and electoral responsiveness. Four categories of constraints on the redistricting process are discussed: political constraints, legal constraints, structural constraints, and geographic constraints. The chapter considers a necessary condition for the implementation of partisan gerrymandering: one political party should control each of the political branches of state government (both legislative chambers and the governorship) at the time of reapportionment following the decennial census. It also examines the argument that the redrawing of electoral boundaries is also constrained by the fundamental tension between the competing interests of partisan advantage and incumbent protection; the impact of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and population migration on the redistricting process; and how partisan bias arises under a limited set of circumstances.

The Political Economy of Sectoral Credit Provisioning in India: An Empirical Analysis

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Deepti Kohli
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Contributions ◽  
Economic Sectors ◽  
Agricultural Credit ◽  
Indian States ◽  
Liberal Ideology ◽  
Incumbent Party ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Governmental Control

Abstract Electoral dynamics is believed to have a direct bearing on the scope of governmental control over the supply of credit to different economic sectors. This paper attempts to examine the impact of opportunistic electoral manipulations, ideological beliefs and political lobbying on the supply of agricultural and industrial credit across the Indian states. The findings indicate that more competitive elections are associated with increases in credit provision. An incumbent party with a more liberal ideology is found to provide greater average credit to agriculture relative to industry. Finally, an increase in the political contributions provided to an incumbent state government is found to entail greater industrial credit and lower agricultural credit, on an average.

Does politics matter? Partisan FDI in Central and Eastern Europe

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 375-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viatcheslav Avioutskii ◽  
Mouloud Tensaout
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
National Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Theoretical Argument ◽  
Fdi Inflows ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Determinants Of Fdi

Purpose While many studies have investigated the impact of institutional factors (i.e. financial risk factors) in the host country on inward foreign direct investment (FDI), fewer studies have researched on the locational aspects of FDI in relation to the political economy. This paper aims to fill this gap by examining the effects of the political economy on inward FDI in Poland’s regions and in other CEE (Central and Eastern Europe) countries. Design/methodology/approach The paper develops a theoretical argument postulating that political economy affects locational determinants of FDI inflow. To test this hypothesis empirically, several analyses were performed at the national level (Poland, Bulgaria, Romania, Slovakia and the Czech Republic) and at the subnational level (Poland’s provinces). First, the “footloose” nature of FDI inflows using the time series analysis was examined. Then a fixed-effect panel data regression model and a dynamic adjustment model to quantify the impact of political ideology and agglomeration effects were performed. Findings After controlling for economic and institutional determinants of FDI, the findings indicate that, in transitional economies, ideology affects the locational choice of multinational corporations (MNCs). At the national level, the results show that political risk, liberalization and economic reforms are important drivers of FDI inflows. At the subnational level, the vote for a liberal party positively affects the distribution of FDI in the provinces. Another finding is that electoral cycles also affect FDI inflows at regional levels in Poland. Finally, this study provides some supporting evidence for the “footloose” nature of FDI in case of external shocks. Originality/value This study contributes to the literature on the locational determinants of FDI by showing that ideology constitutes an important factor for locational choices by MNCs. The findings have important implications for public policy decision-makers who are seeking to improve the attractiveness of their country or region as an FDI destination.

On the impact of outside blockholders’ voting power

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 330-346
Author(s):  
Zhonghui Hugo Wang
Keyword(s):  
Firm Value ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Theoretical Argument ◽  
Private Benefits ◽  
Voting Power ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Private Benefits Of Control ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to complement existing research of the relationship between concentrated ownership and firm performance by theoretically exploring the impact of outside blockholders on the firm, primarily from the perspective of voting power. Design/methodology/approach This paper proposes theoretical propositions based on analyses and logical extension of results of the existing theoretical and empirical studies. Findings This paper proposes three theoretical predictions: First, voting power provides outside blockholders a necessary condition to pursue shared and private benefits of control, and it is positively correlated with blockholders’ capability of influencing firm value. Second, everything else being equal, an outside blockholder is more (less) likely to pursue private benefits than shared benefits when the equity market is efficient and when the blockholder’s voting power is less (more) than 50 per cent. Third, controlling outside blockholders can capitalize on their voting power to appoint managerial delegates and board representatives to the invested firms for the purpose of pursuing private benefits of control. Originality/value This paper tries to make two contributions to the corporate governance literature. First, this research relies on a new perspective to explore the relationship between ownership structure and firm value. Second, this paper presents the first theoretical argument which states that controlling outside blockholders rely on their managerial delegates and board representatives to pursue their private benefits of control.

scholarly journals The impact of partisan politics on migration policies: the case of healthcare provision for refugees by German states

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Günther ◽  
Dennis Kurrek ◽  
Annette Elisabeth Töller
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
Alternative Model ◽  
Qualitative Comparative Analysis ◽  
Policy Research ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Healthcare Provision ◽  
Migration Policies ◽  
German States ◽  
The Impact

AbstractComparative migration policy research has increasingly dealt with the question of whether partisan differences in government can explain differences between migration policies. The empirical findings, however, for both, European states and states of the USA, are inconsistent as governing parties’ positions on integration policies do not in all cases explain the differences in migration legislation. This article investigates the conditions under which German states opt for a permissive model of healthcare provision for asylum seekers as an alternative to the existing restrictive bureaucratic model. Using a fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA), we find that a left-of-center state government is a necessary condition for the introduction of the alternative model. Full cost reimbursement by the state is the sufficient condition, i.e. the permissive alternative model is fully implemented only in those states with a left-of-center state government and where municipalities do not bear the risk of potentially higher costs for healthcare provision. With this unambiguous partisan effect, this article represents an important contribution to the international debate.

Politični položaj na Slovenskem leta 1919

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
New Era ◽  
Party Organisation ◽  
Western Border ◽  
Historical Phenomenon ◽  
First Time ◽  
Similar Development

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.

Impak Kerjasama Politik Umno-Pas Terhadap Perkembangan Islam Di Malaysia Dari Tahun 1973 Hingga 1978

Sains Insani ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub ◽  
Osman Md Rasip
Keyword(s):  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Historical Research ◽  
Radio Station ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Political Cooperation ◽  
Islamic Religion ◽  
Political Approach ◽  
The Impact

This article discusses impact of UMNO-PAS political cooperation towards Islamic development in Malaysia from 1973 until 1978. The success of political cooperation in 1973 was the result of both UMNO’s leader, Tun Abdul Razak and PAS’s leader, Asri Muda willingness to explore a new political approach compared to what was being practiced at that time. Both leaders then started the development of a government known as the ‘Cooperation Government’ with the combination of UMNO and PAS in 1973 and later on, the development of the National Front’s (BN) Coalition Government in 1974. The Islamic religion benefits the most from the development of the Coalition Government which is a favourable gain for the Malays in Malaysia. Henceforth, this article will discuss in detail on the impact of the political cooperation between UMNO and PAS within the cooperation period. The methods used for this research is by interview and also by referring to secondary sources which are analyzed in a historical descriptive manner that is normally practiced in historical research. At the end of this research it is established that there are profound impacts to the Islamic religion within the UMNO-PAS cooperation period within 1973 to 1978 for example, the television and radio station beginning starting their programmes with the recitation from Quranic verses, the promulgation of ‘Adhan, alcohols are no longer served in official government’s function, lottery companies are not allowed to promote and announce the lottery results in official government’s media, the establishment of Islamic institution, the strengthening of Islamic education and the appropriate change in the relevant ministry’s symbols. This article can be utilized by subsequent researchers who wish to study the impact of political cooperation between UMNO and PAS. Keywords: political cooperation, UMNO-PAS, cooperation government ABTRAK:Makalah ini membincangkan mengenai impak kerjasama politik UMNO-PAS terhadap perkembangan Islam di Malaysia dari tahun 1973 hingga 1978. Kerjasama politik yang berjaya dibentuk bermula pada tahun 1973 adalah hasil daripada kesediaan Tun Abdul Razak dengan Mohd Asri Muda yang menerajui UMNO dan PAS pada ketika itu mencetuskan perubahan corak berpolitik yang berbeza berbanding sebelumnya. Maka, kedua-dua pemimpin ini kemudiannya merintis pembentukan sebuah kerajaan yang menggabungkan UMNO dengan PAS menerusi Kerajaan Campuran pada tahun 1973 dan Kerajaan Gabungan Barisan Nasional (BN) pada tahun 1974. Hasil daripada kejayaan penubuhan kedua-dua kerajaan ini, perkembangan Islam di negara ini bertambah pesat dan dapat dimanfaatkan oleh keseluruhan orang Melayu di Malaysia. Justeru, artikel ini membincangkan secara terperinci impak kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS dalam tempoh kerjasama politik berkenaan. Penyelidikan ini menggunapakai kaedah temubual dan menyorot sejumlah sumber sekunder yang kemudiannya dianalisis secara deskriptif sejarah (historical descriptive analysis) yang lazimnya dipraktikkan dalam kajian sejarah. Hasil kajian ini mendapati terdapat impak-impak jelas terhadap perkembangan Islam di negara ini sepanjang tempoh kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS dari tahun 1973 hingga 1978. Antara impak-impak tersebut ialah permulaan siaran televisyen dan radio dengan bacaan ayat-ayat suci Al-Quran, mengumandangkan suara azan, penghapusan arak dalam majlis-majlis kerajaan, penghapusan promosi dan keputusan judi di media kerajaan, penubuhan institusi Islam, pemerkasaan pendidikan Islam dan penukaran simbol institisu kerajaan. Akhirnya, artikel ini dapat dimanfaatkan oleh penyelidik-penyelidik berikutnya untuk menilai impak kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS.Kata kunci: kerjasama politik, UMNO-PAS, kerajaan campuran

Senate Electoral Responsiveness under Indirect and Direct Election

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy J. Schiller ◽  
Charles Stewart
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Counterfactual Analysis ◽  
Senate Elections ◽  
Seventeenth Amendment ◽  
Direct Election ◽  
Political Outcomes ◽  
Widespread Belief ◽  
Direct Elections ◽  
The Impact

This chapter integrates findings on indirect elections with current scholarship on the impact of the adoption of the Seventeenth Amendment and onset of direct elections. It constructs a comprehensive counterfactual analysis that helps demonstrate what the political outcomes would have been with direct elections in place since the founding, and in contrast, what Senate elections would look like after 1913 if indirect elections were still in place. It also addresses the question of whether U.S. senators represented states as units and responded to state governmental concerns more under the indirect system than they do under direct elections. It argues that indirect election had little impact on the Senate's overall partisan composition prior to 1913. Contrary to widespread belief, had direct election been in effect during the years immediately preceding the Seventeenth Amendment's passage, Republicans, not Democrats, would have benefited.

Reducing the Risks of the Financial Sector to Ensure Sustainable Growth of the Russian Еconomy

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 86-92
Author(s):  
T. I. Minina ◽  
V. V. Skalkin
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Monetary Policy ◽  
Financial Sector ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Sustainable Growth ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Real Sector ◽  
Financial Instruments ◽  
The Real ◽  
The Impact

Russia’s entry into the top five economies of the world depends, among other things, on the development of the financial sector, being a necessary condition for the economic growth of a developed macroeconomic and macro-financial system. The financial sector represents a system of relationships for the effective collection and distribution of economic resources, their deployment according to public demand, reducing the risk of overproduction and overheating of the economy.Therefore, the subject of the research is the financial sector of the Russian economy.The purpose of the research was to formulate an approach to alleviating the risks of increasing financial costs in the real sector of the economy by reducing the impact of endogenous risks expressed as financial asset “bubbles” using the experience of developed countries in the monetary policy.The paper analyzes a macroeconomic model applied to the financial sector. It is established that the economic growth is determined by the growth and, more important, the qualitative development of the financial sector, which leads to two phenomena: overproduction in the real sector and an increase in asset prices in the financial sector, with a debt load in both the real and financial sectors. This results in decreasing the interest rate of the mega-regulator to near-zero values. In this case, since the mechanisms of the conventional monetary policy do not work, the unconventional monetary policy is used when the mega-regulator buys out derivative financial instruments from systemically important institutions. As a conclusion, given deflationally low rates, it is proposed that the megaregulator should issue its own derivative financial instruments and place them in the financial market.

Referendum konstytucyjne we Włoszech. Jak głosowanie ludowe wpływa na system polityczny państwa?

2017 ◽  
pp. 110-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kużelewska
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.

The Famous Forty and Their Companions: North Yemen's First-Generation Modernists and Educational Emigrants

2005 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert D. Burrowes
Keyword(s):  
First Generation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Major Conclusion ◽  
Political Structure ◽  
Cultural System ◽  
The Impact

This article is a study of the several hundred North Yemenis who went out from isolated Yemen for education between 1947 and 1959. It focuses on their backgrounds, what and where they studied, the impact on them of this experience, what they did when they returned and, finally, the impact they have had on the Yemen most hoped to change. The major conclusion is that their impact has been modest and that this is best explained by Yemen's socio-cultural system and the political structure it supports.

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