Floating Sophia, Polarizing to Abeyance, Waqf-izing the State

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Murat Akan

Abstract The 2020 ‘mosque-ing’ of Ayasofya (Hagia Sophia) shook a cornerstone of the Turkish Republican tradition. I lay out the immediate political context, including the COVID-19 pandemic, the content of five court decisions that built up to the mosque-ing, and what these show about the current state of secularism, democracy and institutions in Turkey. I argue that the Ayasofya episode is a case of polarization to the point of abeyance and waqf-izing the Turkish state. Evaluating the episode in light of the past decade of Turkish politics, I propose that it is the present stage of a trajectory from the politics of modernity to the anti-politics of abeyance, and that the midpoint of this trajectory is the politics of ‘multiple modernities’. It is time to lay to rest the wave of conservative epistemologies emerging from Shmuel Eisenstadt’s ‘multiple modernities’.

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 0-0
Author(s):  
Татьяна Масловская ◽  
Tatyana Maslovskaya

The article analyzes the conditions of the constitutional reforms in foreign countries, the goal of constitutional changes at the present stage. Attention is paid to popularity of practice of adopting of interim constitutions. We study the full and partial constitutional reforms passed in foreign countries over the past five years. Provide new directions of constitutional reforms, based on modern challenges. Careful attention is paid to analysis of constitutional reforms as a response to the crisis: a crisis of values in society and the state, the security crisis. Subject to review are new constitutions of the XXI century, as well as draft constitutional laws. Provided the tendency of strengthening the state’s position in order to protect national interests. The author attempts to envisage further constitutional development in foreign countries.


2021 ◽  
pp. 009145092110635
Author(s):  
Alexandra Dmitrieva ◽  
Vladimir Stepanov ◽  
Alyona Mazhnaya

According to Dante, “Limbo” is the first circle of Hell located at its edge. Unlike other residents of Hell, the Limbo population suffers no torment other than their lack of hope. We argue that a lack of hope in post-Soviet Ukraine is expressed by a lack of conditions for a better future since the past is overrepresented in the present. Therefore, every movement transforms under the past’s pressure, changing its course in order to reproduce and perpetuate ghosts of what is long gone. We argue that the current state of Ukraine can be framed as “post-Soviet limbo.” If the great stability of the Soviet regime was a result of overregulation and extensive control, or of “uncertainty avoidance,” then a post-Soviet limbo is a result of “managing uncertainty” simultaneously influenced by Soviet legacies and neoliberal promises of growth, calculability, and deregulation on the part of the State. “Soviet legacies” are dominant and represent a mix of formal overregulation explicitly presented through laws and policies and informality which, according to some authors, became even more widespread in the post-Soviet period than it used to be under the Soviet rule. We do not aim to consider the past legacies as being opposite to neoliberal features and futures, but negotiate the way the two are interrelated and mutually reinforced in the present to produce the post-Soviet limbo. Ukraine’s performance of Opioid Agonist Therapy (OAT) coverage is consistently estimated as insufficient and needing further improvement. However, we argue that that there are two modes of OAT implementation in Ukraine: state-funded (formal) and privately-funded (informal). The latter’s size does not fall into official estimates since the national reports on OAT performance never include the numbers of patients involved in informal treatment. We suggest, that the informal mode of OAT implementation appeared as a result of contrasting efforts towards intensive regulation and extensive growth. To understand how these two modes are produced in the context of post-Soviet narcology, how they differ and where their paths cross, we analyze two types of texts: legal and policy documents regulating substance use disorder (SUD) treatment, mainly OAT; and qualitative data, including interviews with OAT patients and field notes reflecting the environment of OAT programs. Finally, the presented article seeks to answer how the state’s contrasting efforts to manage the uncertainty of SUD treatment through OAT regulation and implementation reproduce the post-Soviet limbo and, thus, people with SUD as “patients of the state” who are frozen in a hopeless wait for changes.


1999 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 631-656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole F. Watts

Preventing the development of an ethnic Kurdish cultural and political movement has been a priority of the Turkish state since the Kurdish-led Shaykh Said Rebellion of 1925.' Nevertheless, beginning around 1959 this effort was steadily if slowly undermined, and events of the past ten years suggest that it has indeed failed. Not only have Kurdish activists gained some measure of international recognition for themselves and for the concept of Kurdish ethnic rights,2 but promoting the notion of specifically Kurdish cultural rights has almost become a standard litany for a wide array of Turkish civic and state actors, from Islamist political parties to business organizations, human-rights groups, prime ministers, and mainstream newspaper columnists. Although the separatist Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and its insurgency against Turkey have claimed a great deal of academic and popular attention, it is these diffuse but public re-considerations of minority rights taking place within legitimate Turkish institutions have contributed the most to the sense that past policies of coping with the “Kurdish reality” are ultimately unsustainable, and that it may be difficult, if not impossible, to return to the climate of earlier years, when discussions of ethnic difference were suppressed, limited to the private realm, or confined to the fringes of radical politics.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Di Valentino

The past three years have seen a number of changes in the area of copyright law, particularly in the area of education. As a result, Canadian universities have had to make policy decisions to account for these changes and the resulting expansion of fair dealing rights. The content and consistency of the resulting policies may have a significant effect on the future interpretation of fair dealing rights. In this paper I analyze the current state of fair dealing policies and supporting information found on university web sites. I conclude that an ideal fair dealing policy is open ended and flexible, and incorporates mention of the significant elements of copyright legislation, court decisions, and other areas of law, in a way that is accessible to its intended audience of faculty and instructors.


2002 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-66
Author(s):  
Byung-ok Kil

This inquiry demonstrates that the political legitimacy of a certain society is historically determined, reflects specific institutional and contextual features, and employs a variety of meanings. These meanings can describe both a state of affairs and a process that ultimately involves justifications for legitimate agents and socio-political structures. This paper attepmpts to understand how the meanings of political legitimacy are conceptualized in society. As a case study, it questions: What are the conditions for the existence of political legitimacy and how have they been constructed? How is political legitimacy endorsed in South Korea today, and how does it differ from the past? This paper applies a deconstructive theory of political legitimacy that exploresa a distinctively modern style, or 'art of governance' that has an all-encompassing, as well as individualized effect upon its constituencies. By this approach, this paper argues that the concept of unification does not have a solid significance in the real world, but rather, it is an imaginary idea imposed by the dominant elite class, which is constantly imposed, reinterpreted and transformed in its political context.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 69-77
Author(s):  
Joanna Mysona Byrska

Abstract This paper aims to show the development of moral education in Poland after 1989. The Catholic Church, family and schools are the most important things concerning moral education and development in Poland. . In the past, moral education in families and in state schools was different. The Catholic Church was, for many years, the anchor of freedom and Polish identity. By 1989, there were two models of education and moral development in Poland: the state model in the communist spirit and the Catholic Church with its Christian values. Individual families were in favor of one or the other. After 1989 everything changed and the state model became the same as the model of the Catholic Church and Polish families. In the paper, I will try to show how the current state of moral education in Poland and also I will try to present the changes that took place after 1989 in moral education.


2022 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Оlena Gulac ◽  
Lyudmyla Holoviy ◽  
Tetiana Milova ◽  
Kateryna Troshkina ◽  
Yevhen Sobol ◽  
...  

The purpose of the article is to identify existing problems in the formation and implementation of anti-corruption policy in Ukraine based on the analysis of research results of the current state of corruption in Ukraine, analysis of relevant regulations and practice of its implementation. The methodology is based on the dialectical method of scientific knowledge, as well as special research methods based on modern scientific principles of legal, political, managerial and related sciences. Results of the research. The article analyzes the current issues of state anti-corruption policy in Ukraine at the present stage. It is noted that corruption is one of the biggest problems of Ukrainian society and has a great resistance to the development of Ukraine as a state. Ukraine currently has a whole system of anti-corruption bodies, some of which perform purely anti-corruption functions, while others perform anti-corruption functions as well. At the same time, the Basic Anti-Corruption Law defines a limited list of specially authorized entities in the field of anti-corruption. It is proved that the reserve of influence of public organizations in combating corruption offenses is still poorly used by the state on the initiative of the state itself.


Author(s):  
Ayhan Kaya

Political protest has a long and contested history in contemporary Turkish politics. While street demonstrations have been central to the repertoire of Kurdish movements, especially since the early 2000s as a by-product of Turkey’s Europeanization process, electoral forms of participation have been the prevalent mode among broader segments of the Turkish society in the post-1980 period. However, the consolidation of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) hegemony in electoral politics and increasing authoritarianism and Islamization accompanying the personification of political rule after 2011 have carried non-electoral forms of participation, what one could call “active citizenship,” to the forefront of political struggles. The Gezi movement of 2013, the largest mass mobilization in Turkish history, epitomizes this dynamic. This chapter demonstrates how the Gezi protests cultivated more democratic forms of citizenship in defiance of the national education curricula, which are designed to cultivate particular forms of citizenry in the service of the Turkish state elite. Based on the current state of the art, it argues that the Gezi generation has broken the binary opposition between being political and apolitical through unprecedented acts of citizenship.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 385-395
Author(s):  
Żanna Sładkiewicz

Patriotism is the foundation of the social system viability, one of the conditions for the proper functioning of the state. Patriotism is not transmitted through the genetic code, but formed in the society. Over the past two decades in Russia no ideological value has undergone such an evaluation as patriotism. After the collapse of the previous regime the governing structures have been trying to “resuscitate” patriotism as an integral element of the national mentality. Moreover, in the era of ubiquitous marketing, patriotism is not only instilled in the citizens, but also sold. Taking into account the socio-political context, enterprising people and public companies greatly expanded the range of “patriotic” products (T-shirts, hats, toys, dolls, puzzles, alphabet). The author analyzes the increasing distribution of patriotic ideas in Russia in the following areas: sports paraphernalia, souvenirs and home accessories.


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