Between National Community and Class Solidarity

Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Chapter 13 expands on the idea of incongruence between political community and labor force by presenting a historical overview of the relationship between Israel and the Palestinians in the field of labor and worker representation. Beginning with Mandatory Palestine, through the establishment of Israel in 1948, the territorial conquest of 1967, the Oslo Accords, and the ongoing occupation, the chapter underscores the Histadrut’s “nationalist” role and charts the incremental incorporation of Palestinian citizens and non-citizens as laborers, but with limited access to political institutions, including the Histadrut and Labor Party. It closes by overviewing Israel’s textile industry as epitomizing the development of the economy according to the requirements of the Jewish state and its relations with the Palestinians. This constitutes the basis for the assertion, explored in the subsequent chapter, that since 1948 Israel has increasingly struggled with the conflicting imperatives of economic incorporation and political exclusion of Palestinians.

2003 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 703-722 ◽  
Author(s):  
NATALIE MEARS

Geoffrey Elton's model of Tudor politics, which emphasized the importance of political institutions and which dominated our understanding of Tudor politics for much of the second half of the twentieth century, has been challenged by a number of historians for over twenty years. They have re-emphasized the importance of social connections and cultural influences and turned attention away from studying the privy council to studying the court. In doing so, they have gone back to re-examine earlier approaches by Sir John Neale and Conyers Read which Elton had challenged. Yet, these new socially and culturally derived approaches, recently labelled ‘New Tudor political history’, remain varied and its practitioners sometimes at odds with each other. Focusing on both established seminal works and recent research, this review considers the different elements of these approaches in relation to Tudor court politics. It assesses the methodological problems they raise and identifies what shortcomings still remain. It demonstrates that Tudor politics are increasingly defined as based on social networks rather than institutional bodies, making issues of access to, and intimacy with, the monarch central. Our understanding has been further enhanced by exploration of political culture and its relationship to political action. However, the review points to the need to integrate more fully the political role of women and the relationship between the court and the wider political community into our understanding of Tudor politics, as well as place England into a European context.


Author(s):  
Jack Knight ◽  
James Johnson

Pragmatism and its consequences are central issues in American politics today, yet scholars rarely examine in detail the relationship between pragmatism and politics. This book systematically explores the subject and makes a strong case for adopting a pragmatist approach to democratic politics—and for giving priority to democracy in the process of selecting and reforming political institutions. What is the primary value of democracy? When should we make decisions democratically and when should we rely on markets? And when should we accept the decisions of unelected officials, such as judges or bureaucrats? This book explores how a commitment to pragmatism should affect our answers to such important questions. It concludes that democracy is a good way of determining how these kinds of decisions should be made—even if what the democratic process determines is that not all decisions should be made democratically. So, for example, the democratically elected U.S. Congress may legitimately remove monetary policy from democratic decision-making by putting it under the control of the Federal Reserve. This book argues that pragmatism offers an original and compelling justification of democracy in terms of the unique contributions democratic institutions can make to processes of institutional choice. This focus highlights the important role that democracy plays, not in achieving consensus or commonality, but rather in addressing conflicts. Indeed, the book suggest that democratic politics is perhaps best seen less as a way of reaching consensus or agreement than as a way of structuring the terms of persistent disagreement.


Author(s):  
Johannes Lindvall

This chapter introduces the problem of “reform capacity” (the ability of political decision-makers to adopt and implement policy changes that benefit society as a whole, by adjusting public policies to changing economic, social, and political circumstances). The chapter also reviews the long-standing discussion in political science about the relationship between political institutions and effective government. Furthermore, the chapter explains why the possibility of compensation matters greatly for the politics of reform; provides a precise definition of the concept of reform capacity; describes the book's general approach to this problem; and discusses the ethics of compensating losers from reform; and presents the book's methodological approach.


This book is the first to examine the history of imaginative thinking about intelligent machines. As real artificial intelligence (AI) begins to touch on all aspects of our lives, this long narrative history shapes how the technology is developed, deployed, and regulated. It is therefore a crucial social and ethical issue. Part I of this book provides a historical overview from ancient Greece to the start of modernity. These chapters explore the revealing prehistory of key concerns of contemporary AI discourse, from the nature of mind and creativity to issues of power and rights, from the tension between fascination and ambivalence to investigations into artificial voices and technophobia. Part II focuses on the twentieth and twenty-first centuries in which a greater density of narratives emerged alongside rapid developments in AI technology. These chapters reveal not only how AI narratives have consistently been entangled with the emergence of real robotics and AI, but also how they offer a rich source of insight into how we might live with these revolutionary machines. Through their close textual engagements, these chapters explore the relationship between imaginative narratives and contemporary debates about AI’s social, ethical, and philosophical consequences, including questions of dehumanization, automation, anthropomorphization, cybernetics, cyberpunk, immortality, slavery, and governance. The contributions, from leading humanities and social science scholars, show that narratives about AI offer a crucial epistemic site for exploring contemporary debates about these powerful new technologies.


Author(s):  
Ammar Shamaileh ◽  
Yousra Chaábane

What is the relationship between institutional favoritism, economic well-being, and political trust? Due to the role that East Bank tribes played in supporting the monarchy during the state’s formative years, Jordan has institutionalized a type of political discrimination that privileges East Bank Jordanians over Palestinian Jordanians. An empirical examination of the political institutions of the state reveals that such discrimination remains pervasive. It was subsequently theorized that institutional favoritism’s impact on political trust is conditional on income due to the greater salience of group identity among individuals with lower incomes. Regression analyses of survey data reveal a consistent negative correlation between political trust and income among East Bank Jordanians. There is little evidence of a substantively meaningful unconditional relationship between national origin and political trust.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yasir Tanveer ◽  
Qi Jiayin ◽  
Umair Akram ◽  
Anum Tariq

Purpose Conflicts are inevitable in organizations and are a significant challenge for frontline managers (FLMs). This study aims to investigate the relationship between the leadership styles of FLMs and relationship conflicts (RLCs), with the indirect intervention of emotion regulation (ER) and five conflict-handling styles (CHSs). Design/methodology/approach Research data were obtained from 243 FLMs in the Pakistan textile industry. SPSS 23 and PROCESS macros software were used to test and verify hypotheses regarding leadership styles, ER, CHSs and RLC. The authors conducted 5,000 bootstrap replications to verify mediation. Findings Leadership styles are significantly associated with RLC. A high degree of ER can negatively moderate RLCs through transformational leadership (TFL) and transactional leadership (TCL) styles and positively moderate RLCs through a laissez-faire leadership (LZF) style. Among CHSs, a compromise style mediates the relationship between RLC and the TFL and LZF styles, and a domination style mediates the relationship between RLC and the TCL style. Practical implications FLMs should be trained to overcome workplace interpersonal conflicts. Appropriate cognizance of a conflict before it occurs is a requisite skill. FLMs must be able to use all five given CHSs. Originality/value This study identifies the association of leadership styles with CHSs and ER to manage RLC in a non-Western context. The study enhances understanding of the use of the ER factor with the different CHSs of FLMs.


Author(s):  
Christopher Barrett ◽  
Erin C. Lentz

This article examines hunger and food insecurity in relation to poverty. Evidence shows that food insecurity is overwhelmingly concentrated in developing countries, even as it also exists in wealthy countries. Today, food insecurity remains widespread in large measure because extreme poverty remains widespread, and vice versa. However, the relationship between poverty and food insecurity is complex and bidirectional. This article first reviews concepts and definitions related to food security before discussing the major approaches used to measure food insecurity. It then explains why measurement matters and why it remains so challenging and proceeds by providing a historical overview of hunger and food insecurity. It also analyzes the causes of hunger and food insecurity and interventions intended to reduce hunger and food insecurity. Finally, it suggests directions for future research.


Bina Teknika ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Rizqi Wahyudi ◽  
Muhammad Iqbal ◽  
Sunarti Sunarti

Recognize the importance of employee satisfaction in any organization, this study is piloted to forestall the effect of Internal Marketing Practice and Market Sensing capability on employees’ satisfaction in the context of the Indonesian textile industry as one of the fast-growing industry criteria in Asian markets. The drive behind this study is to examine the relationship between Internal marketing practice, Market Sensing Capability, and Employee Satisfaction. Furthermore, this study plans to see that how Cultural congruence moderates the relationship between Employee Satisfaction through Internal Marketing Practice along with Market Sensing Capability by advancing a research model. According to this study’s requirement, the quantitative methodology is chosen, with purposive method of 323 employees was selected and analyzed.  By using a web-based survey approach was selected for data, entailing of structured questionnaire. A structural equation model was operated for results on AMOS that supported the hypothetical relationship between all hypotheses. This study will guide the managers of textile firms to recognize that how important is employee satisfaction and how they can improve their practices to strengthen employee satisfaction. This study also contributes in cultural Congruence and market sensing capability literature. It is not free from limitations specifically in terms of sample size and variables that can be addressed in the future.


Author(s):  
Michael A. Aung-Thwin

The relationship between Ava and Pegu was a symbiotic dualism: of time, space and type. Ava was not only a reformulation of something old, and Pegu, the genesis of something new, but as one was located in the agrarian Dry Zone and the other, on the commercial coasts, each was historically, materially, and in terms of general character, distinct. Whereas the Kingdom of Ava was essentially the resurrection of an old kingdom—Pagan writ small—Pegu was a new kingdom composed of new leaders, people, and cultures. Ava was a familiar, Upper Myanmar polity: the same material environment and demographic base, the same economic, social and political institutions, the same language, writing system, cosmology, and culture. Pegu, on the other hand, was a new, independent kingdom of Lower Myanmar, led by newcomers (the Mon speakers) who had migrated from what later became Thailand. Yet, because both Ava and Pegu were built on the same foundations (Pagan), both had certain common elements. They shared virtually the same religion and thought systems; similar social customs, values, and mores; familiar political and administrative principles; a common, even if contested, history; and certainly the same writing system. Whatever the dissimilarities were, they did not produce a binary situation of two irreconcilably antagonistic ethnic entities—Burman and Mon as convention has it—rather, these dissimilarities created a dualism of geo-political and cultural differences whose energy and dynamism came from the tension created precisely by those differences. In fact, Ava and Pegu’s relationship not only epitomized Southeast Asia’s “upstream-downstream” paradigm common throughout much of its history, it continues today in Naypyidaw and Yangon.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document