scholarly journals Human Rights of the Senior Citizens in Bangladesh: Political, Administrative and Economic Challenges

2020 ◽  
pp. 31-40
Author(s):  
Md. Zahid Hossain ◽  
S. M. Akram Ullah ◽  
A. K. M. Mahmudul Haque

Human rights are the essential rights to all for their proper living and proper amplification of the qualities of human personality. These common rights are recognized by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and also incorporated in the constitution of Bangladesh. But in some cases, these rights are violated in many ways. This study is an attempt to depict the causes and challenges for which the senior citizens cannot enjoy these rights properly. Its finding presents the political, administrative and economic challenges of human rights of the elderly people. Study sample of this research consisted of 60 respondents divided into three categories such as old home, general and key respondents. They were both male and female. This study has been conducted on the basis of primary and secondary sources of data collected through face to face interview and content analysis techniques. The finding revealed that a number of challenges and hostilities cumber the senior citizens in the way of their enjoying human rights with satisfaction. 48% of the senior citizens who belong to lower economic class earn their livelihood by begging. Political challenges like insufficient laws, inadequate national economy, corruption and nepotism; administrative challenges like lack of old home, lack of distinct institutions; and the poverty are responsible for this situation. This study recommends that raising moralities and consciousness, creating proper laws and their proper enforcement, establishing old homes, resistant social movement against all sorts of corruption can play an important role to prevent human rights violation of the senior citizens.

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-92
Author(s):  
Kenneth Chinedu Asogwa ◽  
◽  
Herbert C. Ede ◽  
Anthony Chinonso Ajah ◽  
Paul Hezekiah Omeh ◽  
...  

In November 2017, there was an online protest against police brutality and highhandedness in Nigeria. By October 2020, the citizens’ discontent and dissatisfaction with the activities of the police led to a mass revolt against the institution, specifically against the Special Anti-Robbery Squads (SARS) of the force. The response of the Nigerian state to the protest was total repression and subjugation of the demonstrators. Given the scale of the protest and the government’s response, this momentous event has attracted scholarly attention. The extant literature has identified governance deficit, illiteracy of police officers, the dynamics of the political economy and youth activism as factors that fueled the protest. The present study, therefore, explores the character of the state in the post-colonial society as a link towards the understanding of the fundamental issues that triggered the protests. Through the use of secondary sources of data collection and content analysis, the work found out that there is a trend and pattern of authoritarian governance and violation of human rights by the Nigerian state, which seems to have emanated from the long years of military rule and colonisation. The implication of the foregoing is that the state ought to imbibe democratic ethos as a condition for upholding the fundamental human rights of its citizens.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-208
Author(s):  
Halili Halili

This article was aimed at (1) discovering and constructing the political dynamics in formulating the Law of the Court of Human Rights; (2) analyzing its implication on the future of politic of Human Rights in Indonesia. This essay was a result of content analysis research with qualitative-comparative approach. The finding showed that (1) substantively, the formulation of Law No. 26 Year 2000 on Human Rights Court has fundamental weaknesses such as a partial adaptation of The Roma Statute, the course of human rights court was constructed weak by stating its authority only on investigation, whereas attorney General's Office authority on investigation lacks of detail prescription, deleting the responsibility of command such as those on the Rome Statute, etc. A lot of lacks indicate that the law was only an instrument of transitional authority. The ‘toothless’ law indicates the victory of the old regime in political battlement and tension with the new regime in reformation era. The politicization of handling of human rights violation before the release of the law of Court on which the Representative People Council has authority to propose but the decision maker is the President by Presidential Decree. 2) the political dynamic has an implication on two long term situations, hoarding impunity and the crises of human rights values.   


2018 ◽  
pp. 176-186
Author(s):  
Prachi Tomar ◽  
Aditya Pandey

The Rohingya’s most persecuted ethnic minority, practicing Sunni Islam, traces their origin from Arakan kingdom. The present democratic government of Myanmar and previous military junta have practiced ethnic cleansing and denies to grant citizenship to Rohingya’s making them stateless. There has been great violation against this ethnic group by the Myanmar government in one or the other way like restriction on freedom of movement religious choice, unemployment, education, marriage and family planning. On the contrary the present de facto leader of Myanmar has totally denied such ethnic cleansing and brushed away the criticism of her not handling the crisis. This paper tries to understand the dynamics and severity involved, the origin of the ethnic tension, the exclusionary policies of the government and also examines the abuse, discrimination and gross human rights violation of Rohingya Muslims which leads to the politicization of the issue and vice-versa i.e. how politicization of the issue leads to gross human rights violation. This paper further analyzes the pattern of violation, international politics and the political and economic interest vested which contributed to forced displacement in Myanmar not only of the Rohingya’s but other minorities like the Shan, the Kachin, the Karen and how this crisis has fi red up the political debate in the neighboring countries and has become a political contention and concludes with recommendation to be taken by the government and international organization to improve the situation of the minorities in Myanmar.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-46
Author(s):  
Enoch Ndem Okon ◽  
Dodeye Uduak Williams ◽  
Godwin. S Mmaduabuchi Okeke

Abstract This paper seeks to unearth and analyse the variables which promote and sustain primordial groups’ identities and their linkages to the emergence and sustenance of terrorist groups in Nigeria. Grounded in the pluralist theory of sovereignty, the study adopts historical research design. It relies solely on data from secondary sources, which are presented qualitatively, and the finding is analysed using content analysis techniques. The study reveals that the promotion of primordial identities above national identity for political advantage by the political elites leads to state bastardisation in Nigeria. Besides, it identifies the apostolical promotion of some neoliberal values without corresponding citizenship education, as responsible for the emergence of Boko Haram and other such groups that challenge the sovereignty and legitimacy of the Nigerian state. It also questions the continuous promotion of religion in the public domain in a secular state and concludes that genuine integration policy is an urgent imperative. The study recommends that ethno-religious politics be buried; religion should be returned to the private lives of the citizenry. Besides, citizenship education and societal development should be prioritised in order to strengthen the state, and weaken the capacity of primordial groups to challenge the Nigerian State with violent outbursts.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (11a) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Manuela Magalhães ◽  
Ana Campina

Considering the EU position and their state member facing serious Human Rights violation as well as a political complex diplomatic development (inside and outside) the European context. Holocaust has obliged millions of European citizens to “escape” from their own countries to be able to survive. The political consequences of this movement were controlled based on the diplomacy considering the war context and each state “position”. Due the most different reasons, along the 20th century the migration in, from and to Europe was an important and strong social movement but without a negative global political impact but economical. However, the last decade, especially after 2010 with the “Spring Arab” revolutions in Middle East and North Africa, Europe has been the destination of millions - illegal migrants and Refugees.


Author(s):  

Basic needs are the fundamental human rights recognized by national and international law. This study is an attempt to reveal the picture of human rights violations of the elderly people in Bangladesh focusing particularly on the deprivation of the basic needs of the aged people. In this study, data have been collected from both primary and secondary sources. It reviews the right to basic needs, such as adequate food, clothes, shelter, healthcare, and education. As a human being, everybody deserves these basic needs as fundamental human rights and it is a fundamental responsibility of the state to secure these rights according to the constitution of Bangladesh, Article 15(a). But the study found that these basic rights are not implemented properly in the case of elderly people of the study area. Lacks of moral education and humanity have been identified as mainly responsible hindrances in this sphere. Corruption and poverty are also strong impediments in this regard. The paper proposes some workable suggestions. The government, responsible institutions, and concerned families should come forward to ensure proper education, to ensure proper and sound socialization with native culture, and to raise far-reaching consciousness regarding the welfare of elderly people.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Astill ◽  
Evonne Miller

AbstractObjectiveTo investigate the extent to which older residents feel they can remain “self-reliant” during future natural disasters and to compare the findings with the viewpoints of local policy-makers and with those charged with caring for the elderly both on a day-to-day basis and in times of crisis.MethodsThis study used an array of non-probability snowballing techniques to seek the participation of senior citizens over the age of 65 years, emergency services officers, community health carers, and local government disaster managers located in aging, remote, coastal Australian communities vulnerable to cyclones and storm surges. All respondents participated in either a face-to-face personal interview or a focus group, with senior citizens also completing a self-administered questionnaire.ResultsThis research found a discrepancy between policy expectations and the experiences of both the elderly and those who care for them, as well as a lack of understanding with regard to the term “self-reliant.”ConclusionsThese results highlight the inability of older adults in aging, remote, coastal Australian communities to remain “self-reliant” in the future, impacting both disaster management policies and the future capacity of these communities to remain resilient. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2018;12:14–18)


2022 ◽  
pp. 203-221
Author(s):  
Ndwakhulu Stephen Tshishonga

This chapter explores the role of street committees in retrenching and grounding community participatory governance at Cato Crest. The chapter is purposed to revitalise street committees as street/area democratically elected and managed structures aimed at restoring inclusive local democracy, peace, and order, especially in the prevalence of domestic violence, crime, community disunity and divisions, disobedient youth, and other anti-social behaviours. The author argues that the current configuration of street committees as partisan structures compromises their fundamental purpose of uniting people regardless of race, culture, gender, and socio-economic class. The chapter found that without clear developmental roles, street committees are often highjacked to serve a party political agenda. The chapter is qualitative in nature when data were collected through observation and face-to-face interviews with street committees at Cato Crest. The empirical data was also enriched by secondary sources in the form of journal papers, books, and government reports.


Author(s):  
Harrison Kofi Belley

Human rights are a justified entitlement that any person may claim because of being human       and that right to be socially guaranteed. Ensuring human rights requires that institutions are committed to their promotion and enforcement. It is against this backdrop with respect to the human rights record of Ghana especially under her Fourth Republic that this work is motivated to assess the promotion and protection of human rights under the National Democratic Congress (NDC) regime from 2009 to 2017. The work seeks to examine the political environment that the NDC created during its eight years of administration to ensure the enjoyment of fundamental human rights, with focus on how it strengthened constitutional human right institutions like the Commission of Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ) and the Media. This work is qualitative and uses primary and secondary sources of data to gather the information. The findings of this work reveal and confirm that human rights was the premise of Ghana`s transition to democratic rule since 1993 with the promulgation of the Fourth Republican Constitution which makes provision for the enjoyment of fundamental human rights and freedoms. The study recommends that the promotion and protection of human rights should be a matter of a collective responsibility.


Federalism-E ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-84
Author(s):  
Sawyer Junger

Despite being a highly developed country with ample access to natural resources, many Indigenous  communities in Canada currently face severe water insecurity. This paper will seek to answer the question of why such resource disparity exists in an otherwise secure Global North country. Through the lens of environmental racism, the political incentives that that have allowed this human rights violation to persist well into the 21st century will be examined. Ultimately, this paper concludes that Canada’s history of colonialism and federal framework concerning water structures be primary drivers in Indigenous water insecurity.  


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