normative consensus
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2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthias Kaiser ◽  
Laura Drivdal ◽  
Johs Hjellbrekke ◽  
Helene Ingierd ◽  
Ole Bjørn Rekdal

AbstractThis article presents results from the national survey conducted in 2018 for the project Research Integrity in Norway (RINO). A total of 31,206 questionnaires were sent out to Norwegian researchers by e-mail, and 7291 responses were obtained. In this paper, we analyse the survey data to determine attitudes towards and the prevalence of fabrication, falsification and plagiarism (FFP) and contrast this with attitudes towards and the prevalence of the more questionable research practices (QRPs) surveyed. Our results show a relatively low percentage of self-reported FFPs (0.2–0.3%), while the number of researchers who report having committed one of the QRPs during the last three years reached a troublesome 40%. The article also presents a ranking of the perceived severity of FFP and QRPs among Norwegian researchers. Overall, there is a widespread normative consensus, where FFP is considered more troublesome than QRPs.


Healthcare ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (12) ◽  
pp. 1655
Author(s):  
Cindy V. Mendieta ◽  
Maria Elizabeth Gómez-Neva ◽  
Laura Victoria Rivera-Amézquita ◽  
Esther de Vries ◽  
Martha Lucía Arévalo-Reyez ◽  
...  

Cancer survivorship care in Colombia is of increasing importance. International survivorship initiatives and studies show that continuing symptoms, psychological distress, and late effects impact the quality of life for survivors. Priorities for quality survivorship according to Colombian patients and clinicians are unknown. We undertook a nominal consensus approach with 24 participants using virtual meeting technology to identify the priorities for cancer survivorship. We applied an iterative approach conducted over eight weeks with five workshops and one patient focus group followed by a priority setting survey. The consensus group established six main themes, which were subsequently evaluated by experts: (i) symptoms and secondary effects of cancer; (ii) care coordination to increase patient access and integration of cancer care; (iii) psychosocial support after cancer treatment; (iv) mapping information resources and available support services for long-term cancer care; (v) identifying socioeconomic and regional inequalities in cancer survival to improve care and outcomes; and (vi) health promotion and encouraging lifestyle change. The order of priorities differed between clinicians and patients: patients mentioned psychosocial support as the number one priority, and clinicians prioritized symptoms and surveillance for cancer recurrence. Developing survivorship care needs consideration of both views, including barriers such as access to services and socioeconomic disparities.


Author(s):  
Stephen Graves

Abstract The concept of the common good represents those resources that are good for an entire group as a whole, or what preserves what the people or inhabitants of the national community have in common. The “good” are those things that benefit the community as a whole; lead to the protection, sustainment, and improvement of the community. Theorists agree that it is the ultimate end of government; the good of all its citizens and void of special interests. Theories of the common good are discussed in this paper with implications regarding the shortcomings of democratic political institutions and structures. The theoretical framework provided by the political thought of W. E. B. Du Bois and Friedrich Nietzsche are used to critically examine the idea of the common good in contemporary democratic societies. Du Bois sought an objective truth that could dispel once and for all the irrational prejudices and ignorances that stood in the way of a just social order for African Americans. Nietzsche’s political theory was primarily concerned with disdain for democracy and the need for Aristocratic forms and social ordering. He was skeptical that with the demise of religion, it would be possible to achieve an effective normative consensus in society at large which is needed to legitimize government authority. Both theorists agree that the exceptional and great individuals are few in society and should govern in favor of the masses. Based on their example, this paper argues that both authors are suggesting an Epistocratic form of government where those with political knowledge are privileged.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maxim Bolt

Abstract Expanded homeownership in Johannesburg’s townships offered the prospect of post-apartheid formal inclusion. Yet allocation of title to former rental homes has been characterized by a profound lack of normative consensus regarding ownership or inheritance. In bitter disputes over houses, appeals to law jostle and interweave with claims in a customary register. In much regional scholarship, normative pluralism provides a point of departure for understanding disagreement of this kind. This article proposes an alternative perspective by examining how dissensus is mediated and given shape by a legal–administrative process. Law becomes inchoate in layers of bureaucratic encounter, while contested claims to custom are sharpened at the interface with bureaucracy. In South Africa, taking administration as a starting point reveals the long shadows of apartheid in concrete experiences of the law, in extra-legal understandings, and in the very terms of contestation among kin. Illuminating the little-explored topic of urban property inheritance, the perspective has broader implications for understanding inequality. Inclusion through homeownership is a form of ‘adverse incorporation’ marked by official opacity, diffidence regarding the law, stratifying administrative dualism, and uncertainty about the parameters of ownership and inheritance.


Author(s):  
Christopher Smith Ochoa ◽  
Frank Gadinger ◽  
Taylan Yildiz

Abstract Current debates about surveillance demonstrate the complexity of political controversies whose uncertainty and moral ambiguities render normative consensus difficult to achieve. The question of how to study political controversies remains a challenge for IR scholars. Critical security studies scholars have begun to examine political controversies around surveillance by exploring changing security practices in the everyday. Yet, (de)legitimation practices have hitherto not been the focus of analysis. Following recent practice-oriented research, we develop a conceptual framework based on the notion of ‘narrative legitimation politics’. We first introduce the concept of ‘tests’ from Boltanski's pragmatic sociology to categorise the discursive context and different moral reference points (truth, reality, existence). Second, we combine pragmatic sociology with narrative analysis to enable the study of dominant justificatory practices. Third, we develop the framework through a practice-oriented exploration of the Snowden controversy with a focus on the US and Germany. We identify distinct justificatory practices in each test format linked to narrative devices (for example, plots, roles, metaphors) whose fluid, contested dynamics have the potential to effect change. The framework is particularly relevant for IR scholars interested in legitimacy issues, the normativity of practices, and the power of narratives.


Author(s):  
Ravi Ahuja

AbstractThrough a case study of the Employees’ State Insurance Act of 1948, this chapter examines the historical evolution of a type of welfare schemes in India that made entitlements conditional on specific forms of employment. Global trends in social policy had influenced debates on a social insurance for Indian workers since the 1920s. Transformations of Indian industry, World War II, the post-war crisis and postcolonial economic planning then created conditions for legislation. Just when the international welfare discourse, Indian contributions included, converged on social welfare as a universal citizen right, the regulatory content of the health insurance scheme devised for India diverged from this normative consensus: “Employees’ State Insurance” remained strictly employment-based but also generated horizons of expectation that continue to inform labour struggles.


The paper is dedicated to reviewing the scientific heritage of the classic of French sociology E. Durkheim through the optics of identification of theoretical foundations of the concept of social cohesion. Methodological complexity of the research task is due to the lack of well-formed and clearly defined concept of social cohesion in the scientific heritage of E. Durkheim, reconstruction of theoretical axes of which requires sociological imagination and inductive method using. The author attributes the relevance of this research perspective to the fact that in most foreign studies dedicated to social cohesion phenomenon research there are either limited mentions of E. Durkheim as one of the founders of social cohesion concept or inaccurate interpretations of his views. The paper identifies seven theoretical axes of the concept of social cohesion, presented in the scientific heritage of E. Durkheim - homogeneity / differentiation, value-normative consensus / anomie, lack of interactions / constancy of interactions, mechanical solidarity / organic solidarity, relationship between individual and collective, inclusion / exclusion, integration / disintegration. The author has determined semantic purpose and presence at different social levels for each axis. It is established that some elements of certain theoretical axes are present as components of models of social cohesion empirical operationalization in contemporary foreign studies conducted by J. Chan, R. Berger-Schmitt, J. Jenson. It is summed up heuristics of E. Durkheim's definition of essence of social cohesion as a social process that has a dynamic nature of formation and reproduction, requires avoidance of extreme states of its implementation (overpowering or deficiency) and has an impact on all social levels – macro-, meso- and micro-. Emphasis has been placed on the identification of the classics of French sociology social cohesion practical significance as a social phenomenon that has preventive properties against a wide range of negative social phenomena and processes. This fact, according to the author, makes the concept of social cohesion heuristic not only for scientific discourse but also for contemporary state social policy.


2019 ◽  
pp. 103-124
Author(s):  
Fabio Wolkenstein

This chapter shifts the focus from the circumstances of deliberation to actual deliberative practice. It begins by distinguishing two different types of disagreement within the partisan groups: ones about organizational matters and ones about issues concerning society at large. It then goes on to examine several exemplary text passages that illustrate how partisans ‘deliberatively’ handle these kinds of disagreements. The central point that emerges from the analysis is that party activists engage in acts of reason giving that may reasonably be interpreted as satisfying the twin demands of uptake and mutual engagement. One of several interesting specificities of partisan deliberation is that it is marked by tensions between pragmatically-minded partisans and more ideological ones. This, it turns out, is also an important source of diversity within party groups. Another notable finding is that the political principles underpinning partisanship can facilitate mutual justification. The ‘normative consensus’ that characterizes partisan collectives plays a crucial role in this connection: partisans’ pre-deliberative agreement on a certain set of political principles ensures that appeals to those principles are immediately resonant. This makes reaching agreements and compromises easier. The upshot is that even though deliberation in party branches is a particular kind of deliberation, it is undoubtedly good deliberation. If this is any indication, then there is plenty of potential for involving these partisans more in the party’s wider deliberations and giving them bigger deliberative tasks


2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ravi Ahuja

AbstractThe article explores the history of the Employees’ State Insurance Act of 1948 (ESI), a law enacted in the first year of Indian independence. Global trends in social policy had influenced debates on a social insurance for Indian workers since the 1920s. Transformations of Indian industry, World War II, the post-war crisis, and the emerging economic policy of the postcolonial State then created conditions for legislation. Just as the international welfare discourse, Indian contributions included, converged on social welfare as a universal citizen right, the regulatory content of the health insurance scheme devised for India diverged from this normative consensus: the ESI Act remained strictly employment-based, contributed to an emerging structure of graded entitlements, and to the hardening of boundaries between what would later be called “formal” and “informal” labour. Simultaneously, it also generated horizons of expectation that continue to inform labour struggles.


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