scholarly journals The Challenges of Ukraine’s European Choice in the Context of the Kremlin’s Neo-Imperialist Policies During Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s Presidency

Author(s):  
Tomasz Stępniewski ◽  
◽  
Andrzej Szabaciuk

This article attempts to analyse the situation in Ukraine in the face of ongoing Russian aggression and increasing pressure from the Kremlin towards Eastern European states. The armed confl ict taking place in Ukraine means that the geostrategic situation of Eastern Europe has changed. In this context, the Eastern Partnership, which was meant to be one of the key instruments shaping international relations with the states neighbouring the EU in the East, is quite often seen as an ineffective or even obsolete tool. There can be no doubt that the greatest problem for the Eastern Partnership is that the project is seen in geopolitical categories – thinking of the countries of the Eastern Partnership in the context of the necessity for them to choose between the European Union and Russia (listening to statements by the EU’s political decision-makers, it can often seem that those states have no other option). The key research question is whether we will be dealing with an assertive EU policy in tandem with current US policy, or whether there will be another reset in relations between the West and the Russian Federation.

2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 404-426
Author(s):  
Ana Jovic-Lazic

Following the enlargement of the Union, new neighbours in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus became of great importance for the stability of Europe, which is why the EU formulated the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership. Bearing in mind that Russia views this area as a sphere of its own influence, its policy has become of great importance as well as its reactions to the Union?s initiatives in this region. This geopolitical context of the Eastern Partnership became apparent with the outbreak of the Ukrainian crisis. In addition to the indicated limits of an often technocratic approach to the EU, the crisis has clearly shown there is a conflict of objectives of the European Union and the Russian Federation in the common neighbourhood and raised the issue of the security and geopolitical implications of this initiative. Also, the policies and interests of the European Union and the Russian Federation affect not only Ukraine but to a greater or lesser extent the development of opportunities in all other countries involved in the EU's Eastern Partnership - Georgia, Moldova, Belarus, Armenia, and Azerbaijan.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (7) ◽  
pp. 66-76
Author(s):  
K. A. Ponomareva

In 2020, the world has faced with a global challenge – the new coronavirus infection (COVID-19) pandemic, which has had a huge impact on the policies and economies of all states. In the face of severe economic slowdown, most countries have implemented stimulus packages. The paper describes the measures of tax support introduced in the Russian Federation and the EU and highlights the stages of the introduction of these measures. At the first stage, support measures were introduced for citizens and enterprises through both cash payments and a deferral of tax collection, the introduction of temporary benefits and mitigation of the rules for the transfer of losses. The next step was to stimulate the economy, including through tax policy measures.The paper is a continuation of the study, the results of which – an analysis of the measures of the first stage in the OECD and the EU – were published by the author in No. 10, 2020, Journal “Actual Problems of Russian Law.” This paper examines the follow-up measures introduced by national governments, as well as the measures planned to be introduced in the EU. In addition, the analysis of tax support measures developed and introduced in the Russian Federation was carried out.


Author(s):  
Agnieszka Legucka ◽  
◽  
Agata Włodkowska

Contestation remains a signifi cant factor in the EU neighbourhood. The aim of this article is to elaborate on the role of external actors – namely the European Union and the Russian Federation – in managing local and regional contestation. The latter is defined as incompatibilities between two or more competing views about how political, economic, social, and territorial order should be established and/or sustained. Competing interests between the EU and Russia concern many issues; the model of political system in the neighbourhood (democracy vs. authoritarianism), the model and direction of the economic integration of these countries (European or Eurasia integration), and the infrastructure and availability of gas and oil (energy disputes). The common neighbourhood, which concerns EU Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine), has become an area of rivalry rather than cooperation between the EU and Russia. The first seeks to stabilise the post-Soviet area, while Russia exploits local destabilisations and conflicts to maintain its influence there.


Author(s):  
Maxim Vitrak

The article examines the Euro-Atlantic direction of Ukraine's foreign policy during Leonid Kuchma's tenure as President of Ukraine (1994-2004) and the peculiarities of the foreign policy "multi-vector". The historiography and the source base of the article are analyzed. The author of the article examines the evolution of foreign policy of L.D. Kuchma on the Euro-Atlantic direction. A brief analysis of the priorities of Leonid Kuchma's foreign policy is made. The author emphasizes on those cautious steps in foreign policy that Leonid Kuchma took to preserve Ukraine's sovereignty while maneuvering between such centers of geopolitical gravity as Russia, the EU and the United States of America. The influence of international factors on the process of Ukrainian state-building was noted, the main problems and peculiarities of Ukraine's becoming a subject of international relations were analyzed. In the article the author expresses his own belief that the personality of Leonid Kuchma played a significant role both in the achievements of Ukrainian diplomacy on the path of Euro-Atlantic integration and in failures along the way. Analyzing Leonid Kuchma's Euro-Atlantic strategy, the author concludes that even profile experts, especially those who criticize Kuchma's actions, do not fully understand the position of international partners, in particular, the economic and political pressure exerted by the governments of the United States of America., The European Union and the Russian Federation for the activities of the second President of Ukraine, and the existence of political arrangements, which have been reported recently in open sources, are not always taken into account. These factors were taken into account by the author of the article. It is argued that multi-vector politics have become a landmark in Ukrainian history. Studying this aspect of Ukraine's foreign policy will be useful and interesting for a wide range of specialists, a source for understanding the root causes of many contemporary problems in Ukraine.


Author(s):  
O. Yu. Kondratenko

The article reveals challenges and prospects of Ukraine in the conditions of transitive world order crisis in Eastern European context. The issue of strengthening national security and protection of the territorial sovereignty of the post-Soviet countries and Eastern European countries in connection with the aggression of Russia and the occupation of part of the Ukrainian territories has been mainstreamed. The confrontation between Russia and the post-Soviet countries is a conflict of two civilizational systems, the struggle of two opposing worldviews and paradigms of a new world order. It has been proved that Russia’s Eurasian integration projects were aimed at attracting Ukraine and maintaining it in the sphere of Russia’s geo-economic and geopolitical influence. The creation of integration associations in the post-Soviet space is intended to become one of the instruments of revival of the Eurasian empire, in particular at the expense of the destruction of the national economy and the sovereignty of Ukraine. A key result of the Revolution of Dignity was the signing of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU which destroyed Russia’s strategy to engage Ukraine in the Eurasian integration area. It is confirmed that after the Russian Federation’s unsuccessful actions to involve Ukraine in Eurasian integration structures through the use of managed pro-Kremlin power, Moscow abandoned this option and switched to a scenario under which the strategy of fomenting and supporting separatism in the south-eastern regions of Ukraine was implemented. The strategy to create a pseudostates on the territory of Ukraine in one way or another involves the issues of infrastructure and transit of Russian energy resources to the European Union. The formation of Novorossiya at the expense of Ukrainian sovereignty also included support from individual EU Member States to accelerate the construction of energy infrastructure bypassing Ukraine as a failed state. The annexation of Crimea became a non-standard geostrategic step in Russia, which led to the violation of the border of the sovereign state for the first time since the end of World War II. In general, the Crimea is an important sacred phenomenon and a geostrategic asset for the Russian Federation. Given the opening of new military bases in Belarus, the preservation of the Russian military contingent in Transnistria and the Donbas, as well as the creeping geopolitical displacement of Ukraine from the Black and Azov Sea, the latter automatically finds itself in a kind of geopolitical “garrotte” while losing access to the sea. In the end, Russian aggression aimed at destabilizing Ukraine also had internal political significance for Russia, since Europeanization of Ukraine and its political and economic success would become a new geopolitical trend and would call into question the effectiveness of the authoritarian regime of Russia and other post-Soviet countries. All this would become a clear example for the Russian society of the positive consequences of the democratic transformations of the great Orthodox state. However, while the Russian Federation has achieved some tactical advantages in Ukraine, thereby slowing its rapprochement with the EU and NATO, designing instability strategically prevents any involvement of Kyiv in Eurasian integration projects, further alienating it from Russia, making Ukraine more pro-Western and anti-Russian. Keywords: Ukraine, foreign policy, national security, Russian Federation, Eastern Europe, ODED-GUAM, Baltic-Black Sea Commonwealth


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Aleksandra Miarka

The aim of the article is to analyze and characterize the use of cooperation with the unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic by the Russian Federation to strengthen its position in the competition for power with the states of the euoratlantic space. During the initiated research, research methods and techniques characteristic of qualitative research were used, e.g. analysis of documents and statements of leading political decision-makers from Russia and Transnistria. The results of the research unequivocally show that strengthening the statehood of the parastatal state is one of the instruments of the Russian Federation, thanks to which it pursues its strategic goal - maintaining the position of a hegemon in the post-Soviet area, which strengthens its adaptability in strategic competition with the West for power. The functioning of the pro-Russian Transnistria in the composition of Moldova enables Russia to influence the policy of this country, exerting pressure and preventing it from dynamising the process of integration with Euro-Atlantic structures (primarily with the European Union), while retaining it in its traditional sphere of influence.


2017 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-150
Author(s):  
Katarina Ristic

The paper examines the limits of the European Union policy making towards the Eastern Neighbours, as well as towards the Russian Federation. In-depth analyses of the existing contractual relations proved that the EU neighborhood policy is a nonfunctional mixture of foreign policy interventionism, enlargement policy and conditionality instruments. The article has found that high economic interests, security and peace intentions and fight against the global threats in the Eastern Neighborhood are not subject to the typical EU conditionality, since proven instruments work only under the umbrella of the enlargement policy and membership prospect. The author has concluded that the EU will have to look old/new form of partnerships for the neighborhood countries in order to keep stability, peace and security around its borders. Current relations with the Eastern Partnership countries are neither developed, neither confident, despite the hybrid legal frameworks with some of them. A vital strategic partner in the East remains the Russian Federation, and it is expected that relations in the Eastern Neighborhood will be adjusted to the current position of Russia in this region. This can not be dependent, even of the membership prospect for Ukraine, Moldova or Georgia, which seems to be inadequate offer at the moment, like it was at all the previous historical moments and developments. New agreements signed with these three countries did not help prevent conflicts, tensions, or the huge pro-Russian opposition in these countries. Implementation of comprehensive Association Agreements/Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreements are yet to come, and these countries still lack democratic and efficient governance, and implementation of the number of paragraphs from the previous Partnership and Cooperation Agreements. PCAs are still in force with the rest of the countries of the Eastern Partnership (except Belarus). DCFTA Agreement with Ukraine is not yet ratified by all EU member states (Netherlands).


Author(s):  
Johann P. Arnason

Different understandings of European integration, its background and present problems are represented in this book, but they share an emphasis on historical processes, geopolitical dynamics and regional diversity. The introduction surveys approaches to the question of European continuities and discontinuities, before going on to an overview of chapters. The following three contributions deal with long-term perspectives, including the question of Europe as a civilisational entity, the civilisational crisis of the twentieth century, marked by wars and totalitarian regimes, and a comparison of the European Union with the Habsburg Empire, with particular emphasis on similar crisis symptoms. The next three chapters discuss various aspects and contexts of the present crisis. Reflections on the Brexit controversy throw light on a longer history of intra-Union rivalry, enduring disputes and changing external conditions. An analysis of efforts to strengthen the EU’s legal and constitutional framework, and of resistances to them, highlights the unfinished agenda of integration. A closer look at the much-disputed Islamic presence in Europe suggests that an interdependent radicalization of Islamism and the European extreme right is a major factor in current political developments. Three concluding chapters adopt specific regional perspectives. Central and Eastern European countries, especially Poland, are following a path that leads to conflicts with dominant orientations of the EU, but this also raises questions about Europe’s future. The record of Scandinavian policies in relation to Europe exemplifies more general problems faced by peripheral regions. Finally, growing dissonances and divergences within the EU may strengthen the case for Eurasian perspectives.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 535-545
Author(s):  
Mark Beeson

AbstractOne of the more striking, surprising, and optimism-inducing features of the contemporary international system has been the decline of interstate war. The key question for students of international relations and comparative politics is how this happy state of affairs came about. In short, was this a universal phenomenon or did some regions play a more important and pioneering role in bringing about peaceful change? As part of the roundtable “International Institutions and Peaceful Change,” this essay suggests that Western Europe generally and the European Union in particular played pivotal roles in transforming the international system and the behavior of policymakers. This helped to create the material and ideational conditions in which other parts of the world could replicate this experience, making war less likely and peaceful change more feasible. This argument is developed by comparing the experiences of the EU and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and their respective institutional offshoots. The essay uses this comparative historical analysis to assess both regions’ capacity to cope with new security challenges, particularly the declining confidence in institutionalized cooperation.


2012 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan Czasonis ◽  
Michael Quinn

One of the motivations for a country to join the European Union is the belief that this will boost short- and long-run incomes. Researchers have tested the hypothesis of income convergence in different settings using either regression or unit root analysis, with mixed results. In this paper, we use both methods on the same samples over a significant time period. This allows us to judge differences in results across varied time-frames and methodologies. The focus of these tests is on convergence to German and EMU average incomes by Eastern European countries and those within the Euro-zone from 1971–2007. The evidence for convergence is mixed. Among the Euro-zone countries, there is more evidence of convergence in the 1970s and 1980s than recently. There is significant evidence that Eastern Europe experienced convergence and that capital formation was one of the root causes. While the results do not support the hypothesis that joining the EU increases convergence, reforms undertaken in the 1990s by Eastern European countries in preparation for joining may have helped them to “catch up”, even if the act of joining the EU did not directly impact convergence.


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