Villages at the State/Society Interface During the Crisis: Toward New Territorial Boundaries in Metropolitan Municipalities

Author(s):  
Fatma Nil Döner
2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 457-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Lawrence Schrad

“Tell a man today to go and build a state,” Samuel Finer once stated, “and he will try to establish a definite and defensible boundary and compel those who live inside it to obey him.” While at best an oversimplification, Finer's insight illuminates an interesting aspect of state-society relations. Who is it that builds the state? How and where do they establish territorial boundaries, and how are those who live within that territory compelled to obey? Generally speaking, these are the questions that will be addressed here. Of more immediate concern is the fate of peoples located in regions where arbitrary land boundaries fall. Are they made loyal to the state through coercion or by their own compulsions? More importantly, how are their identities shaped by the efforts of the state to differentiate them from their compatriots on the other side of the borders? How is the shift from ethnic to national identities undertaken? A parallel elaboration of the national histories of the populations of Karelia and Moldova will shed light on these questions. The histories of each group are marked by a myriad of attempts to differentiate the identity of each ethnic community from their compatriots beyond the state's borders. The results of such overt, state-initiated efforts to differentiate borderland populations by encouraging a national identity at the expense of the ethnic, has ranged from the mundane to the tragic—from uneventful assimilation to persecution and even genocide. As an illustration of the range of possibilities and processes, I maintain that the tragedies of Karelia and Moldova are not exceptional, but rather are a consequence of their geographical straddling of arbitrary borders, and the need for the state to promote a distinctive national identity for these populations to differentiate them socially from their compatriots beyond the frontier.


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Song

Democracy is rule by the demos, but by what criteria is the demos constituted? Theorists of democracy have tended to assume that the demos is properly defined by national boundaries or by the territorial boundaries of the modern state. In a recent turn, many democratic theorists have advanced the principles of affected interests and coercion as the basis for defining the boundaries of democracy. According to these principles, it is not co-nationals or fellow citizens but all affected or all subjected to coercion who constitute the demos. In this paper, I argue that these recent approaches to the boundary problem are insufficiently attentive to the conditions of democracy. Democracy is not merely a set of procedures; it also consists of substantive values and principles. Political equality is a constitutive condition of democracy, and solidarity is an instrumental condition of democracy. The affected interests and coercion principles create serious problems for the realization of these conditions – problems of size and stability. Building on this critique, this paper presents democratic considerations for why the demos should be bounded by the territorial boundaries of the state, grounded in the state's role in (1) securing the constitutive conditions of democracy, (2) serving as the primary site of solidarity conducive to democratic participation, and (3) establishing clear links between representatives and their constituents. I examine and reject a third alternative, a global demos bounded by a world state, and conclude by considering some practical implications of my argument.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashley Walcott

The mobility rights of migrants have been presented as universal and non-discriminatory in United Nation declarations, protocols and conventions. These inherent rights are often placed in opposition to states’ sovereign right to control their borders. The international refugee regime has faced challenges to the defence and advocacy of human rights. The right to seek asylum has faced questions of security, and terrorism. Politicians have successfully re-framed asylum seekers as active ‘threats’ to the social, cultural and economic security of the state and campaign to enforce the protection of the state. By de-linking the border from the territorial boundaries of the state, Canadian officials have excluded, deterred and halted the movement of asylum seekers seeking refuge in Canada, adding to the surmountable geographic barriers the state holds to resettlement.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-78
Author(s):  
Sarah Graham

This paper shall focus on the transformative nature of technology, namely in facilitating criminal and terrorist activity and the unique challenges to regulation. The Internet requires a re-examination of static concepts of territorial boundaries and legal jurisdictions which contribute to uncertainty in regulation. 


Politeia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sreejita Dey

This article attempts to throw light on the ways migrant domestic workers negotiate with their employers and their states, both in their host countries and countries of origin, regarding their rights as workers, and the dynamic socio-political challenges that emerge from their intersectionalities of being women, migrants and domestic workers. Traversing through narratives and accounts of several transnational networks, the article seeks to understand how the domestic workers attempt to engage in political mobilisation and form networks that cut across territorial boundaries. In this article I delineate the nuances of the emergent forms of the politics that emanate from the intersectionalities of being women, migrants and domestic workers, and the implications these have for the larger political projects of citizenship and nationalism.


2019 ◽  
pp. 403-435
Author(s):  
Witold Sobczak

The problem of protection languages of national minority in europeancountries is connected with necessity of protection minorities themselves.The term „minorities” and the scope of thers rights are open question. Theexistence of a minority in a particular countrys depends on the authorities’acknowledgment of this fact. The state must recognize the existence of minorities within its borders and grant them rights.Protection of the rights of national minorities, including the need to protect the minority language, belong to those issues which are of interest ofinternational organizations and institutions and are also subject to regulation in relevant treaties and international agreements. The identification ofnational minorities takes place through self-categorization and based oncomponents such as: language, cultural heritage, historical memory, community of symbols, territorial boundaries, possibly also religion, constitutingnational identity, and their development and cultivation is most often protected.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 205
Author(s):  
Ria Vinata

Abstract : Determination of maritime boundaries using the median line or equidistance principle for maritime boundary disputes also considers other factors outside the distance factor. The concept of relevant circumstances is closely related to the principle of equity. In determining the boundary sea boundary boundaries are not bound by strict legal norms to balance all inherent conditions to find fair results. There are many relevant situations related to geographic and non geographical factors, the application of Equidistance Line with relevant circumstances. This is a legal approach to delimitation of sea boundaries. However, in the practice of the country in the 19th and early 20th centuries for the determination of sea territorial boundaries, especially for territorial sea, namely the median line, thalweg line, perpendicular line, and prolongation of the land boundary, the median line is the most widely applied method by the state. other countries in determining the territorial sea boundaries.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 330-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew EG Jonas

This commentary critically examines Phelps and Miao’s concept of the new urban managerialism (NUM) in light of three geopolitical processes operating around the state and urban politics: (1) the geopolitics of city-regionalism; (2) the geopolitics of urban environmental management; and (3) the geopolitical implications of the public–private financing of urban infrastructure. It argues that the NUM remains fundamentally a territorialized political project and raises questions about where to draw conceptual and territorial boundaries around the urban public interest.


1998 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 461-478 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID ARMSTRONG

One of the most common themes in the vast literature on globalization is that it is gradually undermining the state by making it meaningless if not obsolete. This article is a contribution to the growing body of literature that seeks to challenge that thesis. It does so by arguing that there are two distinct sets of processes at work in contemporary world politics: globalization and interstate interaction. While the former tends to break down territorial boundaries and replace them with new, uniform configurations of power, money and culture, the latter reconfirms territorial boundaries and the structures and processes contained by them. The interaction among states, which is often ignored by globalization theorists, may best be understood by situating it within the traditional international relations concept of an international society, provided that this is redefined to give it a more ‘constructivist’ orientation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel Barros ◽  
Juliana Farias

Abstract How does the actualization of government technologies in territories considered to be on the margin of the State work? Which theoretical and methodological clues can we follow from the marks left by State agents on the bodies of those regarded as peripheral? What are the political connections between territorial boundaries and the delimitations of the physical bodies that inhabit them? These questions inform the present article in which we analyze three homicides by pursuing two complementary lines of investigation: one guided by the reflection on the territorialization of certain State actions, in the sense proposed by Barros (2016); the other anchored in the discussion on the mechanisms central to the governmental management of the deaths of favela residents, as outlined by Farias (2014).


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