Problem of early elections and dissolution power in the Czech Republic

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milos Brunclik

Theory of parliamentary regimes presumes that parliament can express vote of no confidence in government. On the other hand executive power (government or head of state) is endowed with right to dissolve the parliament. However, these “doomsday devices” are not in balance in many parliamentary regimes, including the Czech Republic. On the basis of a comparative analysis of dissolution provisions in the constitutions of European states the article argues that the government in the Czech Republic should be given the right to dissolve the lower chamber at least in case that the latter expresses vote of no confidence in the former.

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 95-106
Author(s):  
Pavlína Knap-Dlouhá

This article analyzes structures within which interpreters are deployed in the healthcare sector in the Netherlands and the Czech Republic. It pays particular attention to the status, conditions, and guidelines that guarantee the provision of interpreting services. The first part also explains some important concepts that are closely related to healthcare interpreting, including language brokering and natural interpreting. Despite the fact that funding for interpreting services was stopped by the government (2012), it is a developed field in the Netherlands. As a reaction to the abolition, there was a wave of protests; many parties believe that this has compromised one of the human rights (the right to access to care). In the Czech Republic, a new law was introduced (2011), the Health Services and Conditions of Provision Act, which guarantees patients the right to communication that is understandable to the patient. Since then, certain facilities were introduced that should make communication with non-native speaking patients effective. Nevertheless, more experience and knowledge should be brought in to be able to speak of a good organizational structure and quality.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (6) ◽  
pp. 1779-1785
Author(s):  
Dejan Vitanski ◽  
Dijana Kirova

The executive power is a gravitational center of political power, that is the basic lever of the mechanism of power and at the same time, one of the key elements for determining the character of the political system. In order to prevent or disable the concentration of power in the hands of the executive power, political and legal thought have repeatedly sought for effective mechanisms for restricting that power and keeping it under control. The executive power in order not to turn it into its negation, must be as fully and accurately dimensioned and limited as possible. The nicules of the idea of political control emerged with the division of power and the need for mutual control and limitation of the various branches of government. In order to mitigate and neutralize the possibility of abuse, one of the mechanisms is to organize the government in a way that one authority oversees the other authority. In that sense, in the relations between the legislature and the executive, it is necessary for the legislation to have no legal means to stop the decisions of the executive power, but with the possibility and authority to control it. Conversely, the executive has the right to veto the legal acts, but can not participate in their voting. Political control is one of the essential and standardly established functions of parliaments in all countries with a parliamentary or mixed system of government organization. It is a process in which parliament continuously and systematically monitors, analyzes, checks and evaluates the work of the government. In addition, the controlling parliamentary prism observes the overall work of the government as a collegial body of the executive power and the work of ministers as its members in terms of whether they achieve the goals and policies of parliament expressed in the constitution and laws, and whether the manner of who act, the means and the methods they use are purposeful. Subtlety in the use of instruments of political control is necessary in order not to jeopardize the fundamentals of the independence of the executive, that is, not to undermine the necessary independence of the ministers in undertaking measures within the scope of their portfolio, as well as on the activities for consistent implementation of government policy in general. However, political control, on the other hand, has been established, first of all, to prevent the independence of the holders of the executive power from reaching beyond the limits of the normatively projected trajectory of movement and action, not to turn into arbitrariness and voluntarism, not to manifest ignorant attitude towards the policies and attitudes of the parliament expressed in the laws, and thus indirectly in accordance with the will of the citizens represented in the parliament. In labor, through a wide-angle view will be analyzed and processed the institutes of political control and political responsibility of the government in certain systems of state power, with particular emphasis on the parliamentary system. In the focus of the scientific-research interest will be the deep and extensive study and awareness of the immanent features of the forms through which the parliamentary control of the administration is effectuated and animated. Also, in this context, the author's intention is to capture the effectiveness of individual control mechanisms.


2021 ◽  
Vol 91 ◽  
pp. 01037
Author(s):  
Stanislav Bílek ◽  
Zdeněk Caha ◽  
Vendula Velková

This paper briefly analyses the legislation of the state’s liability for the measures adopted in relation to the epidemic of coronavirus in the period of the state of emergency, it especially deals with the state’s liability for damage accrued upon entrepreneurs in a casual relation to the restriction of the right to engage in enterprise. The aim of the paper is to carry out a legal analysis of liability for damage according to the Crisis Act on one hand, and of liability for damage caused by the terminated measures of the state according to the Act referring to the protection of public health, on the other hand. The paper provides a practical guideline for claiming damages and draws attention to the limits of such claims.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 30-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
František Ochrana ◽  
Michal Plaček ◽  
Milan Jan Půček

Abstract The article analyses the problems of strategic governance and strategic management of the Czechoslovak Government, as well as the Government of the Czech Republic in the years 1989-2016. It seeks the causes and factors that have caused the low levels of strategic governance and strategic management at the level of the ministries of the Czech Republic. It examines the problem from genetic and historical perspective, and from the organizational and human capacity to exercise strategic governance. The study is based on two pieces of empirical research within the ministries of the Czech Republic. It identifies the main cause of failure of strategic governance and strategic management at the level of the central government of the Czech Republic. These include, in particular, the persistent distrust of the ideas of strategic governance and strategic management held by the right-wing governments and the generally low capacity of governments of the Czech Republic to engage in strategic governance. The organizational structure of the central state administration lacks the strategic units that generate ideas for supporting strategic governance. The empirical research of the ministries of the Czech Republic also revealed that policy workers in Czech ministries dedicate a large proportion of their work time to operational and administrative activities at the expense of analytical and strategic activities. The changes require implementation of reforms within the public administration, which (among other things) will eliminate the existing causes and inhibiting factors regarding the lack of strategic governance in the Czech Republic.


Author(s):  
Akil Ibrahim Al-Zuhari

The article defines the features of the process of forming the research tradition of studying the institute of parliamentarism as a mechanism for the formation of democracy. It is established that parliamentarism acts as one of the varieties of the regime of functioning of the state, to which the independence of the representative body from the people is inherent, its actual primacy in the state mechanism, the division of functions between the legislative and executive branches of government, the responsibility and accountability of the government to the parliament. It is justified that, in addition to the regime that fully meets the stated requirements of classical parliamentarism, there are regimes that can be characterized as limited parliamentary regimes. The conclusions point out that parliamentarism does not necessarily lead to a democracy regime. At the first stage of development of statehood, it functions for a long time in the absence of many attributes of democracy, but at the present stage, without parliamentarism, democracy will be substantially limited. Modern researchers of parliamentarism recognize that this institution is undergoing changes with the development of the processes of democracy and democratization. This is what produces different approaches to its definition. However, most scientists under classical parliamentarianism understand such a system, which is based on the balance of power. This approach seeks to justify limiting the rights of parliament and strengthening executive power. Keywords: Parliamentarism, research strategy, theory of parliamentarism, types of parliamentarism


Author(s):  
Filip Kotal ◽  
František Kožíšek ◽  
Hana Jeligová ◽  
Adam Vavrouš ◽  
Daniel Gari Wayessa ◽  
...  

The modern, risk-based approach requires that only those pollutants which are likely to be present in a given water supply should be monitored in drinking water. From this perspective, defining...


1978 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Dennis A. Rubini

William of Orange tried to be as absolute as possible. Inroads upon the power of the executive were fiercely resisted: indeed, William succeeded in keeping even the judiciary in a precarious state of independence. To maintain the prerogative and gain the needed supplies from parliament, he relied upon a mixed whig-tory ministry to direct court efforts. Following the Glorious Revolution, the whigs had divided into two principle groups. One faction led by Robert Harley and Paul Foley became the standard-bearers of the broadly based Country party, maintained the “old whig” traditions, did not seek office during William's reign, tried to hold the line on supply, and led the drive to limit the prerogative. The “junto,” “court,” or “new” whigs, on the other hand, were led by ministers who, while in opposition during the Exclusion crisis, held court office, aggressively sought greater offices, and wished to replace monarchy with oligarchy. They soon joined tory courtiers in opposing many of the Country party attempts to place additional restrictions upon the executive. To defend the prerogative and gain passage for bills of supply, William also developed techniques employed by Charles II. By expanding the concept and power of the Court party, he sought to bring together the executive and legislative branches of government through a large cadre of crown office-holders (placemen) who sat, voted, and directed the votes of others on behalf of the government when matters of importance arose in the Commons. So too, William claimed the right to dissolve parliament and call new elections not on a fixed date, as was to become the American practice, but at the time deemed most propitious over first a three-year and then (after 1716) a seven year period.


2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (37) ◽  
pp. 22-42
Author(s):  
Alicja Paluch ◽  
Henryk Spustek

The ever-increasing need for in-depth analysis and quantification of the national power, in particular ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ power-generating factors as well as difficulties in identifying a comprehensive and effective method for scientific determination of the national power, have given rise to research in the indicated scientific issues within this article. The presented considerations aim to define the assumptions for a descriptive sub-model that would enable a comparison of Poland’s power in the economic sphere (which is a component of the non-military sphere) with the power of selected European countries. The research hypothesis is that, among the variety of descriptive variables in the economic sphere of the national power, there is a subset of mutually independent variables, at the same time strongly correlated with the national power, which make it possible to define assumptions for the sub-model of the national power. The steps of the research procedure were carried out using the method of system analysis (multi-criteria comparative analysis) and statistical analysis. The research activities undertaken have shown that the factors that are strongly correlated with the national power in the economic area of the European countries adopted for the analysis are: dynamics of industrial production, private sector credit flows and economic freedom index. The comparative analysis carried out demonstrates that the greatest increase in the economic power in the analysed period took place in Germany (0.68). Slightly smaller growth was recorded in the Czech Republic (0.62) and Poland (0.60), while the lowest value of increase was in Romania (0.23). The conducted qualitative comparative analysis of the economic power of selected European countries allowed to conclude that the independent variables identified are crucial for the formation of the economic power of the analysed countries. At the same time, a fairly strong position of the Czech Republic and Poland in relation to the economic power of Germany was found. The performed quantification of the economic power of the European countries provides a basis for the correct determination of changes in the power distribution of political units, assessment of the power and resources held by the state.


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