Crime, politics and business in 1990s Ukraine

2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taras Kuzio

In contrast to Russian studies, the study of crime and corruption in Ukraine is limited to a small number of scholarly studies while there is no analysis of the nexus between crime and new business and political elites with law enforcement (Kuzio, 2003a,b). This is the first analysis of how these links emerged in the 1990s with a focus on the Donbas (Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts) and the Crimea, two regions that experienced the greatest degree of violence during Ukraine’s transition to a market economy. Donetsk gave birth to the Party of Regions in 2001 which has become Ukraine’s only political machine winning first place plurality in three elections since 2006 and former Donetsk Governor and party leader Viktor Yanukovych was elected president in 2010 (Zimmer, 2005; Kudelia and Kuzio, 2014). Therefore, an analysis of the nexus that emerged in the 1990s in Donetsk provides the background to the political culture of the country’s political machine that, as events have shown since 2010 and during the Euro-Maydan, is also the party most willing in Ukraine to use violence to achieve its objectives.

2015 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
KARA MOSKOWITZ

AbstractThis article examines squatter resistance to a World Bank-funded forest and paper factory project. The article illustrates how diverse actors came together at the sites of rural development projects in early postcolonial Kenya. It focuses on the relationship between the rural squatters who resisted the project and the political elites who intervened, particularly President Kenyatta. Together, these two groups not only negotiated the reformulation of a major international development program, but they also worked out broader questions about political authority and political culture. In negotiating development, rural actors and political elites decided how resources would be distributed and they entered into new patronage-based relationships, processes integral to the making of the postcolonial political order.


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-120
Author(s):  
Sufian Zhemukhov

A nuanced reading of the current situation in the North Caucasus reveals two main trends that articulate in confrontation with Russian nationalism. First, in the eastern part of the region, particularly in Dagestan, Chechnya, and Ingushetia, a shift from nationalism to Islam has taken place, and the ties between religion and political machine are strong and visible. Second, and by contrast, in the western part of the region, including Adygea, Kabardino-Balkaria, Karachayevo-Cherkessia, and North Ossetia, nationalism has increased, and the political elites seldom practice religion publicly.


Author(s):  
Susan Goodier ◽  
Karen Pastorello

This chapter demonstrates how rural women in upstate villages and towns—often considered to be apolitical—actually embraced the suffrage spirit, causing a number of pro-suffrage hotbeds to emerge outside of New York City. Many suffrage leaders had deep roots in the towns, villages, and farms of the state. Taking advantage of opportunities to participate in the political culture shaped during the transition from an agrarian to a market economy, contingents of rural women helped lay the foundation for a broad-based state suffrage movement. With the broader base of rural women supporting the movement, rural activists could now appeal to husbands and fathers in these areas to garner electoral support. By 1910, leaders shifted campaign tactics from attempting to convince legislators to support suffrage to persuading the (male) electorate to secure a state referendum for women.


Author(s):  
Jonathan T. Hiskey ◽  
Mason W. Moseley

Against the backdrop of a world characterized by highly uneven democracies, in which subnational dominant-party enclaves persist within nationally democratic regimes, this book explores the ways in which these enclaves shape the political attitudes and behaviors of citizens who reside in them. Through analysis of a decade’s worth of survey data across the 55 provinces and states of Argentina and Mexico, this study finds a distinct subnational political culture among individuals nested in dominant-party enclaves. This culture is characterized by heightened exposure to corruption and vote buying, low levels of support for democratic principles, and patterns of political behavior that reflect the governing characteristics of the political machines that citizens must confront on a daily basis. In contrast, among those individuals living in subnational political systems that have successfully shut down the machine, the work finds a political culture more akin to that found in established democracies. As such, this book provides extensive support for the need to more fully incorporate subnational political dynamics into accounts of the drivers behind citizens’ political attitudes and behaviors, in an era in which democracies across the world appear increasingly at risk.


Author(s):  
Gerry Stoker

Judging what is and what should be are everyday human activities, and, by understanding how they are done, analysts can explore the issue central to this chapter: that citizens are losing sight of the positive functions of politics and becoming too focused on its unavoidable and undesirable traits. Two aspects of political culture are making it more challenging for citizens to embrace the mixed nature of politics. First, too much fast thinking—intuitively driven cognition processes—is framing the political exchanges between citizens and political elites by citizens leading the former to focus too much on the negative features of politics. Second, a weakened system of moral accounting means that citizens do not have the satisfaction of seeing a moral balancing of the books that might in turn reconcile them to the yin and yang of politics.


1999 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Tranter

Political elites (federal candidates) from all parties in Australia exhibit more favourable attitudes toward the environment than voters. Nevertheless, the magnitude of these elite-public differences are declining over time as 'the environment' has become a mainstream political issue. The level of environmental activism among the political elite is on the rise, both within and across party boundaries, indicating an increasing acceptability of 'the environment' among politicians. On the other hand, there is some evidence of a decline in environmental group membership and a shift in the issue priorities of environmental groups, with members now increasingly supportive of 'green green' environmental issues. There is also tentative evidence to suggest that as a mobilising agent for activism 'the environment' is in decline, as environmental issues become 'routinised' and ensconced in mainstream political culture.1


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (5) ◽  
pp. 512-522
Author(s):  
Mounir Kchaou

This article aims to analyse the cultural background of the political elites involved nowadays in the democratization’s process in North Africa. It argues that this process cannot succeed unless a break-off with the culture of national liberation movement, pervasive in these countries, occurs on three levels. The first one is the primacy it gives to collective goals over individual rights, the second, the hostility it has towards liberalism in general and to free market economy in particular and finally the way it defines national identity, membership and citizenship.


Modern Italy ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michela Ponzani

This article suggests some new interpretations of the significance of the general elections of 18 April 1948 by examining the prosecution of Italian ex-partisans in the Republican era. A reappraisal of those trials – which took place from the summer of 1945 to the early 1950s – is offered through examination of the documents of the National Committee of Democratic Solidarity, set up after the assassination attempt on Communist Party leader Palmiro Togliatti on 14 July 1948, and the sentences of the Corti d'Assise (High Courts) and Military Tribunals. The papers of both Umberto Terracini and Lelio Basso, promoters of the Pro-partisans Defence Committee, show how judicial repression had its roots not only in the failed purge of former Fascists from the judicial system, which was unsuccessful because of a desire for continuity within the bureaucratic apparatus of the State, but most of all thanks to the ideological position and anti-communist policies of the political elites of that period.


2019 ◽  
pp. 196-216
Author(s):  
James A. Palmer

This concluding chapter highlights Pope Boniface IX's engagement with Rome following his ascent to the papacy in 1389. Boniface's accrual of goodwill early in his papacy culminated in the concession to him of dominion over Rome in 1398. Ultimately, the production of social distinction and political legitimacy through the practices described in this book—practices not dependent on communal institutions—was so successful that Rome's political elites lost interest in defending the autonomy of the Roman commune, ceding power willingly to the papacy. It was this transformation of Roman political culture that ultimately enabled the transformation both of Rome and its place in future politics. Appreciating this frees one from a misleading sense of Roman history born from the pens of fifteenth-century humanists and, by so doing, fundamentally alters Rome's place in the political history of Italy and of Europe.


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