scholarly journals Chasing the green buck? Environmental activism in post-communist Baltic States

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 243-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timofey Agarin ◽  
Miķelis Grīviņš
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Past Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Economic Resource ◽  
International Networks ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Past ◽  
National Environment ◽  
Collapse Of Communism

The paper investigates the dynamics and volution of issues on the agenda of Baltic environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs) since the collapse of communism. The past research on Baltic environment activism suggests that these enjoy high visibility because they tapped the core societal views of natural environment as a crucial asset of a nation. As we demonstrate in this paper, the changes in agendas of Baltic environmental non-governmental organisations (ENGOs) make clear that the rhetorical toolbox of ‘national environment’ is often used to mainly achieve greater financial gains for individual members, rather than for society at large. We illustrate how the dearth of economic opportunities for domestic public has impacted perceptions of ‘nature’ advocated by the environmental activists, focussing specifically on national perceptions of ownership and the resulting actions appropriating ‘nature’ as a source for economic development, only tangentially attaining environmental outcomes on the way. The vision that the ‘environment’ is an economic resource allowed ENGO activists to cooperate with the domestic policymaking, while tapping international networks and donors for funding. Throughout the past decades they worked to secure their own and their members’ particularistic economic interests and, as we demonstrate, remained disengaged from the political process and failed to develop broader reproach with publics.

scholarly journals The International Freedom of Information Index

2009 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Lidberg
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Real Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Freedom Of Information ◽  
Political Accountability ◽  
Information Index ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Past

Abstract During the past two decades, the number of countries that have enacted Freedom of Information (FOI) laws has increased dramatically. In many respects, FOI laws have become a democratic ‘right of passage’. No FOI, no ‘proper’ democracy. The promises of FOI regimes are far-reaching: extensive independent access to government-held information will lead to increased transparency, prevention of corruption and maladministration and greater public participation in the political process. But are these promises borne out by the practice of FOI? This article describes a study that tracked a number of real-life FOI requests in five countries. The project puts forward a prototype for the first International Freedom of Information Index, ranking the five countries of study on how their FOI regimes function in practice. In conclusion, the paper suggest that the FOI Index should be expanded to cover all 65 plus countries that have implemented FOI laws. It is argued that such an index could play an important role in furthering some of the core properties of liberal democracy: transparency, political accountability and good governance.

PRACTICAL BASE OF FORMULATING RETRAINING PROGRAMS ON ETHNIC MINORITY AFFAIRS KNOWLEDGE FOR CADRES, CIVIL SERVANTS UP TO 2030

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nguyen Van Dung ◽  
Giang Khac Binh
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Minority ◽  
Training Program ◽  
Political System ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Training Programs ◽  
Civil Servants ◽  
The Political ◽  
Target Groups ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Past

As developing programs is the core in fostering knowledge on ethnic work for cadres and civil servants under Decision No. 402/QD-TTg dated 14/3/2016 of the Prime Minister, it is urgent to build training program on ethnic minority affairs for 04 target groups in the political system from central to local by 2020 with a vision to 2030. The article highlighted basic issues of practical basis to design training program of ethnic minority affairs in the past years; suggested solutions to build the training programs in integration and globalization period.

Frozen Negotiations: The Peace Process in Chiapas

2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raúúl Beníítez Manaut ◽  
Andrew Selee ◽  
Cynthia J. Arnson
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Democratic Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Government ◽  
Better Than

Mexico's democratic transition has helped reduce, if not eliminate, the threat of renewed armed conflict in Chiapas. However, absent more active measures from the government and the Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) to seek a permanent peace agreement and come to terms with the legacies of the past, the conflict will linger on in an unstable déétente, which we term ““armed peace.”” While this situation is far better than the open hostilities of the past, it also belies the promise of a fully democratic society in which all citizens are equally included in the political process. La transicióón democráática en Mééxico ha contribuido a reducir, si no eliminar, la posibilidad de que el conflicto armado en Chiapas se reanude. Sin embargo, sin esfuerzos mas activos por parte del gobierno y del Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) para buscar un acuerdo de paz permanente y saldar cuentas con el pasado, el conflicto permaneceráá en un estado inestable que llamamos ““paz armada””. Aunque esta situacióón es mucho mejor que las tensiones y agresiones del pasado, no cumple los requisitos de una sociedad plenamente democráática en que todos los ciudadanos participan en condiciones de igualdad en el proceso políítico.

The Structure of Communist Politics

1972 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 498-517 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard C. Thornton
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Studies ◽  
Conceptual Development ◽  
Political History ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
East European ◽  
The Past ◽  
Restricted Sense ◽  
Analytical Tools ◽  
General Advancement

The past decade has witnessed a general advancement in comparative studies of communism. Yet, in comparing the conceptual development of the Soviet-East European and Chinese Communist fields, one is struck by the peculiarly arrested state of the Chinese side. By comparison, the “Kremlinologists” have produced a veritable storehouse of analytical tools with which they have contributed to the explanation of the nature and functioning of the Soviet political process and Soviet-East European interrelationship. Relatively little conceptual development is discernible in the China field. In this brief essay on comparative developments in the study of communism, I will attempt to compare the concepts which Western scholars have evolved to analyze the politics of the Communist world, account for different approaches, and analyze Chinese political history to determine the most meaningful approach. I speak of the nature and functioning of the political process in a restricted sense—the ways in which leaders interact, how political positions are attained and maintained, and, in general, the structure of leadership politics in the Communist world.

scholarly journals A Critique of the Concept of “Non-Western Political Process”

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1(50)) ◽  
pp. 5-31
Author(s):  
Dmitry V. Mosyakov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Structure ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Active Phase ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Universal Mechanism

The article is devoted to criticism of the concept of the so-called “non-Western political process”. Author expresses the opinion that this concept, formulated back in the mid-50s of the 20th century, is outdated today. The fact is that after the active phase of the globalization process and huge changes in the political, economic and social structure of Eastern societies over the past 60 years, the differences between how politics is done in the West and the East have virtually disappeared. The article provides evidence that now we can see a certain universal mechanism of power, which is equally intensively used in both Western and Eastern societies and states.

scholarly journals Presidential Address: Doctoral Theses and the Discipline of History in Canada, 1967 and 1985

2006 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
William Acheson
Keyword(s):  
Social History ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Canadian History ◽  
The Past ◽  
Language Groups ◽  
History Of ◽  
Doctoral Programmes ◽  
The University ◽  
Doctoral Candidates

Abstract A comparison of doctoral theses in progress in 1967 and 1985 reveals a number of trends in historical studies in Canadian universities during the past two decades. In 1967, 58 per cent of all doctoral candidates chose topics in Canadian history and the largest number ― fully 36 per cent of all candidates ― were writing theses at the University of Toronto, which offered the broadest range of fields of any Canadian university. Much smaller programmes existed at McGill and the University of Western Ontario; aside from these three institutions, no other university in English-speaking Canada enrolled more than four students. Two-thirds of all francophone candidates were enrolled at Université Laval, where only five candidates were writing on topics other than Canadian history. The political process led the field of interest in all fields of study, while social history of the Annales school held little interest for either linguistic group. More than half the dissertations in Canadian fields were supervised by only eight senior scholars. By 1985, marked changes in this pattern were evident. The number of active doctoral candidates had increased from 236 in 1967 to 294, and Canadian history was the field of choice for 72 per cent. Doctoral programmes and hence supervision had decentralized in anglophone Canada, however, and the University of Toronto's dominance had been challenged by Queen's and York; specialized programmes of some size existed at a much larger number of institutions. Among francophone schools, enrollment had doubled and Laval had achieved a situation rivalling Toronto's in 1967. Laval and the Université de Montréal now had the largest doctoral programmes in the country. In terms of topic, policy and administration had replaced the political process as the subject of choice for both language groups; economic history experienced a modest degree of growth, while the history of ideas retained its traditional level of interest. Social history had become much more popular in both linguistic groups, while less European history was being studied. These developments pose both problems and possibilities for the profession as a whole. Doctoral studies have been enriched by the diversity of interests, but the potential for academic sectarian strife is troubling. The need now is for syntheses and paradigms which will permit the findings of subdisciplines to be integrated into a broader and more sensitive understanding of the past.

Military Institutional Development and Sociopolitical Change: The Bolivian Case

1972 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 399-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles D. Corbett
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Institutional Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sociopolitical Change ◽  
American Military ◽  
The Past ◽  
Self Confidence ◽  
Structural Relationships ◽  
The Military

The Latin American military is a complex institution in a complex society. It probably has always been, but in the past the dynamics acting upon the change versus order equation have allowed new structural relationships to be worked out over extended periods of time, relatively free from ideological passions and exogenous influences. That time has passed. Probably in no other region of the world are military establishments undergoing the degree of institutional selfexamination and mission redefinition as are the armies of Latin America today. They have neither the development-oriented self-confidence of the armies of the “new” nations, nor the threat-oriented Weltanschauung of the military in the established countries. Previously acceptable roles—as moderators in the political process or guarantors of their own image of the country's traditions—are under examination not only in the society at large but in the heart of the military institutions.

Michael P. Hanagan, Leslie Page Moch, Wayne te Brake, eds., Challenging Authority: The Historical Study of Contentious Politics. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998. vii + 284 pp. $54.95 cloth; $21.95 paper.

2000 ◽  
Vol 57 ◽  
pp. 137-139
Author(s):  
Ron Krabill
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Process Model ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Contentious Politics ◽  
Historical Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
University Of Minnesota ◽  
The Past ◽  
Charles Tilly ◽  
Daunting Task

To create a festschrift in honor of a scholar as important as Charles Tilly is a daunting task. To their credit, the editors and authors of Challenging Authority successfully provide a thoughtful and particularly readable glimpse into both the past and the future of the study of contentious politics, a field in which Tilly's contributions have been undeniably crucial. From more traditional interpretations of Tilly's work to innovations in chapters by Kim Voss and Marc W. Steinberg, this volume displays the wide array of applications and insights provided by the political process model for studying collective action, whether in medieval Spain or 1989 China. However, the volume moves only in fits and starts toward the new “relational structuralism” (xix) that the editors herald as coalescing around the study of collective action.

scholarly journals THE EVOLUTION OF THE INSTITUTION OF THE PRESIDENCY IN THE POST-SOVIET REPUBLICS OF TRANSCAUCASIA AND CENTRAL ASIA

2021 ◽  
pp. 53-61
Author(s):  
Dmitry BEREZYUK ◽  
◽  
Alexander KLYASHTORIN ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Central Asia ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
Post Soviet Space

The article provides a comparative analysis of the political mechanisms and fundamental constitutional principles of the functioning of the institution of the presidency in the post-Soviet republics of the Caucasus and Central Asia. According to the authors, in Georgia and Armenia, the institution of the presidency is evolving in the direction of weakening, which inevitably leads to an increase in the role of the parliament and the Cabinet of Ministers in the political process. Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan are following the path of forming personalist political regimes. The presidents of these countries have not only a wide range of formal powers, but also informal political resources that allow them to rule indefinitely and pass power on to their descendants. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan stand apart. The first country represents an example of successful institutionalization of presidential rule. Kazakhstan is one of the few states of the post-Soviet space, where a systematic and civilized transit of presidential power took place. At the same time, the political system remained stable. The situation in Kyrgyzstan is developing in a fundamentally different way, where a whole series of coups has taken place over the past few years. This country has a president, but the institution of the presidency, de facto, is absent.

scholarly journals The changing electoral landscape of Spain (2015-2019)

2021 ◽  
pp. 19-30
Author(s):  
A. A. Kurakina-Damir
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Reference Points ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Formation ◽  
New Members ◽  
National Parliament ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Past

In the middle of the second decade of the 21st century there has begun a process of reorganization of Spanish electoral landscape. The Congress of Deputies (lower, and the key chamber of the Spanish Parliament) in its 2019 iteration is not much like the Congress of 2000-2011. The list of parties does not include Unión, Progreso y Democracia (UРyD) and Izquierda Unida (IU), which were predicted to grow significantly due to the decline in competitiveness of the leading parties, and were replaced by new members – Podemos, Ciudadanos, Más País, Teruel Existe. The Catalan parties, being the representatives of the most politically intense region of Spain, were also significantly altered and consequently strengthened their positions. A number of autonomous regions changed their ‘party affiliations’, and an atmosphere of uncertainty reigned in sparsely populated provinces. The author discusses main reference points for the political process of the country which significantly changed the balance of power, as well as the difficulties that political actors faced in the process of reaching or not reaching sought compromises. Over the past 4 years voters have been forced to return to polling stations twice to elect the national Parliament. Evidently, the Cabinet must urgently reform the system of government formation in order to avoid similar problems in the future.

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