scholarly journals THE EVOLUTION OF THE INSTITUTION OF THE PRESIDENCY IN THE POST-SOVIET REPUBLICS OF TRANSCAUCASIA AND CENTRAL ASIA

Author(s):  
Dmitry BEREZYUK ◽  
◽  
Alexander KLYASHTORIN ◽  

The article provides a comparative analysis of the political mechanisms and fundamental constitutional principles of the functioning of the institution of the presidency in the post-Soviet republics of the Caucasus and Central Asia. According to the authors, in Georgia and Armenia, the institution of the presidency is evolving in the direction of weakening, which inevitably leads to an increase in the role of the parliament and the Cabinet of Ministers in the political process. Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan are following the path of forming personalist political regimes. The presidents of these countries have not only a wide range of formal powers, but also informal political resources that allow them to rule indefinitely and pass power on to their descendants. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan stand apart. The first country represents an example of successful institutionalization of presidential rule. Kazakhstan is one of the few states of the post-Soviet space, where a systematic and civilized transit of presidential power took place. At the same time, the political system remained stable. The situation in Kyrgyzstan is developing in a fundamentally different way, where a whole series of coups has taken place over the past few years. This country has a president, but the institution of the presidency, de facto, is absent.

Author(s):  
Konstantin E. Meshcheryakov ◽  

The article investigates the evolution of the Russian-Uzbekistani relations in the last years of the presidency of Islam Karimov (2012–2016). Based on a wide range of official sources and periodicals, it identifies the main trends, achievements and issues of bilateral cooperation in the political, trade, economic and humanitarian spheres. It determines the factors that influenced the interaction between Moscow and Tashkent, and pays a particular attention to the role of the presidents of the two states in the development and strength- ening of their cooperation. The author concludes that throughout the period under review the Rus- sian-Uzbekistani relations faced serious challenges. They were remarkably conflicting, unpredictable, inconsistent, and quite turbulent, what provoked the discussions about the correspondence of their real political condition to their high legal status (in 2004, Russia and Uzbekistan became strategic part- ners, and in 2005, allied states). Nevertheless, the two countries overcame most of their differences and took a course towards the further expansion and deep- ening, as well as modernization of their relations. As a result, at present Uzbeki- stan remains one of the most important Russia’s partners not only in Central Asia, but throughout the post-Soviet space, as well as within the framework of the leading international organizations.


Author(s):  
Vladimir A. Mitrokhin ◽  
◽  
Erbulat T. Uteshev ◽  

The article analyzes the influence of ethnic factor in the post-Soviet space using the example of the Saratov region. On the basis of a public survey conducted in eight districts of the region, the activities of national and cultural organizations as subjects of civil society and the regional political process are considered. Their interaction with the authorities, difficulties, and contradictions arising in the process of implementing the programs and goals of national and cultural organizations are studied.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-202
Author(s):  
M. M. Nurtazin

In the process of researching the geopolitical transformation of the post-Soviet space as a «Eurasian project», the author uses the method of comparative analysis of the official foreign policy documents of the founding States of the Eurasian economic union. The author, highlighting Kazakhstan, Russia and Belarus as subjects of the «integration core» in the post-Soviet space, reinforces the integration aspirations of these countries with economic data indicating their growing interdependence during the decade preceding the creation of the Union in may 2014.It is shown that the sanctions regime imposed by the Western countries on Russia and their negative impact on the economy of the EEU did not reduce the political will of the leaders of the «Troika» to continue further integration.A detailed research of the policy statements (publications) of the political leaders of the EEU «integration core» allows to determine the special role of Kazakhstan and its President N. Nazarbayev in the implementation of this large-scale geopolitical project.The author in considering programmatic foreign policy documents of Kazakhstan, Belarus and Russia offers to focus attention on the peculiarities of the positioning of the Eurasian economic union as integration entity. As a result, according to the author, the membership of Belarus in the «Eurasian project» was the result of a hard compromise for the Belarusian people. The Russian example shows that Moscow’s foreign policy vector was initially perceived by the EEU as a global project connecting Europe with the Asia-Pacific region. Now, however, Russia has positioned the EEU as a regional site. The author regards this as a decrease in the status of Eurasian integration and believes that this thesis looks very controversial. Kazakhstan, in turn, sees the «Eurasian project» as an opportunity to join the global economic chains. Thus, Astana attaches to the EEU exclusively global significance.The position of the Kazakh leader in the course of meetings with Western leaders is emphasized. The leader of Kazakhstan traditionally positions the EEU as an adequate and successful economic integration entity with which it is necessary to establish cooperation in all spheres. This allows him to be assigned the status of «advocate» of the «Eurasian project». At the same time, the article notes the support of the Eurasian views of N. Nazarbayev on the ideas of classical Eurasians P. Savitsky, G. Florovsky, N. Trubetskoy, G. Vernadsky, S. Solovyov, L. Gumilev.It is concluded that in the conditions of the remaining anti-Russian sanctions regime Kazakhstan’s participation in the EEU is one of the main factors of the legitimization of integration education at the regional and global levels. 


2020 ◽  
pp. 13-21
Author(s):  
Aliaksandr Aheyeu

The article presents in abstract form the results of the initial historical analysis of the Belarusian protests of 2020 in the context of similar processes in the post-Soviet space. The preconditions and reasons for the mass demonstrations are shown: structural problems and the Ukrainian events of 2014 led to the stagnation of the Belarusian economy; confidence in the election results in society declined with each election campaign; the new generation of Belarusians had incomprehensible values, which were preserved and imposed on the society by the authorities. There were also several triggers of protests: the peculiarities of the strategy of the Belarusian leadership in the context of the cavid virus pandemic Kavid19 reduced the authority of the government; and the inconsistency of the official and actual results of the vote, the brutality of the dispersal of the first post-election protests caused mass outrage. Authorities considered and still consider the foreign factor to be the main reason for the protests. Many politicians and experts support the theory of Russian interference in Belarus. Solidarity of Belarusians is a new phenomenon of Belarus in recent history. In many respects it was able to manifest itself thanks to new forms of communication in society and fresh creative forms of activity: a chain of solidarity, walks and marches on avenues and streets, actions in residential areas, etc. The activity of women, pensioners and workers shows a change in their role in the political life of post-Soviet countries. And the support of the protests of other traditional and new professional groups testifies to the nationwide nature of the demonstrations. The lack of obvious socio-economic demands makes it possible to classify the Belarusian protests as political democratic revolutions, which can be conditionally called “Revolutions of Dignity”. The most important result of the Belarusian protests is the discovery of the world of the Belarusian political nation. Despite the polarization and a certain division in society, there is a clear general demand for the sovereignty of Belarus by supporters of S. Tikhanovskaya and A. Lukashenko. Now all political forces will have to reckon with the factor of existence and active participation in the political process of the Belarusian political nation.


2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-42
Author(s):  
S. A. Pritchin

In 2021 the countries of Central Asia and the South Caucasus celebrate the 30th anniversary of independence. According to the paradigm of transitology, the political development of a state since the departure from the authoritarian regime entails progressive liberalization and democratization of political processes. And, in accordance with the predominant theoretical approaches, the post-Soviet states were expected to follow this path. However, a closer look at the specifi c scenarios of power alternation in the Central Asia and the South Caucasus provides a much more mixed picture: here the change of ruling elites took very diff erent forms and shapes. The choice of scenario for the transfer of power was always determined by a complex combination of internal and external factors, including the nature and characteristics of the political system of a particular state, its ethnic com-position, the socio-economic situation and external environment. Nevertheless, it is possible to discern several key scenarios: a ‘revolutionary’ scenario, which implies a violent change of power; an intra-elite consensus; transition of power to a successor; a hereditary transmission of power; democratic elections; a resigna-tion of a president. A comparative analysis of the political processes unfolding in the region over the past 30 years shows that even institutionally the countries of Central Asia and the South Caucasus are not ready yet for a competition policy. Moreover, the latter is generally viewed by their leaders as a threat to both the stability of the state and to the interests of the ruling elites. To this may be added the expansion of diff erent informal, archaic political practices across the post-Soviet space. The latter include the sacralization of power, when national interests are equated with the interests of the ruling clan and the whole national identity is built up around this nexus. All this shows the limits of classical transitology theory when it comes to political transformations in the post-Soviet space, which it is unable to explain, yet alone to predict their possible future development. Thus, there is a strong need to develop new theoretical frameworks that would better accommodate particularities of the regional political systems.


2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (No. 2) ◽  
pp. 92-103
Author(s):  
Ihtiyor Bobojonov ◽  
Ivan Duric ◽  
Thomas Glauben

The causes of food price spikes are complex, and their impact on different countries varies depending on production levels and the varied policies in place. Countries in Central Asia and the Caucasus (CAC) region have implemented a wide range of reforms that vary in form and speed. The existing scientific literature reports about the consequences of price spikes in CAC; however, to date, a comparison of impact between those countries has not been made in terms of the entire supply chain perspective. Therefore, this study investigates the impact of the price spikes on the entire wheat supply chain for the first time in CAC and discusses the role of policies. Another contribution of this study is an evidence-based analysis of the role of policy reformation in maintaining food security under price shocks. Our results indicate a very limited effect of price interventions and trade restrictions on dampening wheat prices in all countries. We find that only trade diversification policy had a positive effect on reducing the level of price spikes, and thus it might be a suitable policy measure for maintaining food security.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-330
Author(s):  
O. G. Karpovich ◽  
A. V. Davydova

The countries of the post-Soviet space are of particular importance for Russia’s geopolitical interests. This primarily concerns the political and economic processes taking place in them. Moreover, of great importance are the approaches of the post-Soviet countries to cooperation with Russia and integration processes in the post-Soviet space. In view of significant negative trends in the international arena, the consolidation of the post-Soviet space is acquiring paramount significance. Numerous challenges and complexity of the tasks that Russia is facing in the present region underscore the need for a balanced, pragmatic and forward-looking approach in bilateral and multilateral relations with the states. The focus of Russian diplomacy is still on Ukraine, the countries of the South Caucasus and Central Asia, Moldova and Belarus. These countries are the priority partners of Russia, the priority of its foreign policy.


2012 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eleni Sideri

The Caucasus was a zone of encounters for centuries, generating images of regional cosmopolitanism in the past. This vision creates expectations for the present, when it is included in the wider discussion about the meanings of cosmopolitanism today, its relation to modern geopolitics, and issues of social and political co-existence and recognition. This essay focuses on two different photographs that belong to different Greek families in Georgia. These photographs represent two different historical experiences of migration and pinpoint different understandings of cosmopolitanism. However, they both seem to stem from specific discourses about diasporas and their cosmopolitan character. The role of language in the construction of these discourses is fundamental. The essay compares photographic representations of the 'Greek Diaspora' in order to trace the perceptions of cosmopolitanism they generate, the cultural capital they carry, and its outcome in relation to Greek diaspora politics.


Author(s):  
Donald Bloxham

Against majority opinion within his profession, Donald Bloxham argues that it is legitimate, often unavoidable, and frequently important for historians to make value judgements about the past. History and Morality draws on a wide range of historical examples, and its author’s insights as a practising historian. Examining concepts like impartiality, neutrality, contextualization, and the use and abuse of the idea of the past as a foreign country, Bloxham’s book investigates how the discipline has got to the point where what is preached can be so inconsistent with what is practised. It illuminates how far tacit moral judgements infuse works of history, and how strange those histories would look if the judgements were removed. Bloxham argues that rather than trying to eradicate all judgemental elements from their work historians need to think more consistently about how, and with what justification, they make the judgements that they do. The importance of all this lies not just in the responsibilities that historians bear towards the past—responsibilities to take historical actors on those actors’ own terms and to portray the impact of those actors’ deeds—but also in the role of history as a source of identity, pride, and shame in the present. The account of moral thought in History and Morality has ramifications far beyond the activities of vocational historians.


Author(s):  
Andrea Harris

This chapter explores the international and interdisciplinary backdrop of Lincoln Kirstein’s efforts to form an American ballet in the early 1930s. The political, economic, and cultural conditions of the Depression reinvigorated the search for an “American” culture. In this context, new openings for a modernist theory of ballet were created as intellectuals and artists from a wide range of disciplines endeavored to define the role of the arts in protecting against the dangerous effects of mass culture. Chapter 1 sheds new light on well-known critical debates in dance history between Kirstein and John Martin over whether ballet, with its European roots, could truly become “American” in contrast to modern dance. Was American dance going to be conceived in nationalist or transnationalist terms? That was the deeper conflict that underlay the ballet vs. modern dance debates of the early 1930s.


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