The Union Election Commission of Myanmar 2010–2020

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Catherine Renshaw ◽  
Michael Lidauer
Keyword(s):  
Significant Degree ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Electoral Campaigns ◽  
Union Election ◽  
General Elections ◽  
National League ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Election Commission

Abstract The 2008 Constitution of the Union of Myanmar establishes the framework for a ‘discipline-flourishing’ constitutional democracy in which the Tatmadaw, the Burmese military, retains a significant degree of power. Under this Constitution, the Union Election Commission (UEC) is vested with significant authority to supervise elections, regulate political parties and electoral campaigns, register voters, suspend elections, and to make conclusive determinations in electoral disputes. Between 2010 and 2020, the UEC oversaw three consecutive general elections and three by-elections. Following a term under the former military leadership, the country's major democratic opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), won a resounding victory in the 2015 elections. In the years that followed, civilian-military relations were a source of tension, as the NLD attempted to reform the executive and legislative roles for the military guaranteed by the Constitution. These tensions became in particular tangible during the 2020 elections, which the NLD again won in a landslide victory. The military alleged the election was marred by fraud while the UEC rejected this allegation. On 1 February 2021, hours before the new parliament was to convene, the Tatmadaw staged a coup d’état. This article reviews the UEC in its constitutional and political context. It identifies its institutional features, significant points in its brief history, and the impact of UEC leadership as a contributing factor in fostering confidence in the electoral process.

scholarly journals Myanmar Military Coup 2021: Causes and Scenarios for Further Development

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1(50)) ◽  
pp. 166-180
Author(s):  
Aida A. Simoniya ◽  
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Union Election ◽  
Aung San Suu Kyi ◽  
General Elections ◽  
National League ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Military ◽  
Further Development ◽  
Election Commission

The article examines the true reasons for the military coup, which, according to the author, are the deep disappointment of the military with the victory of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in the general elections (2020), the growing popularity of this party and its leader Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as the old antipathy between the two branches of state power. The author considers the accusation of the Union Election Commission and the NLD of falsifying the election results to be a far-fetched problem and only a pretext for a military coup. The author pays special attention to the strategy of the new military regime and possible scenarios of the development of events in the country.

Speak Softly and Carry a Big Stick? Veterans in the Political Elite and the American Use of Force

2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 779-793 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Gelpi ◽  
Peter D. Feaver
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Militarized Disputes ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact

Other research has shown (1) that civilians and the military differ in their views about when and how to use military force; (2) that the opinions of veterans track more closely with military officers than with civilians who never served in the military; and (3) that U.S. civil–military relations shaped Cold War policy debates. We assess whether this opinion gap “matters” for the actual conduct of American foreign policy. We examine the impact of the presence of veterans in the U.S. political elite on the propensity to initiate and escalate militarized interstate disputes between 1816 and 1992. As the percentage of veterans serving in the executive branch and the legislature increases, the probability that the United States will initiate militarized disputes declines. Once a dispute has been initiated, however, the higher the proportion of veterans, the greater the level of force the United States will use in the dispute.

Exit, Resistance, Loyalty: Military Behavior during Unrest in Authoritarian Regimes

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holger Albrecht ◽  
Dorothy Ohl
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Moving Target ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Military

A few years into the most recent wave of popular uprisings—the Arab Spring—studying regime trajectories in countries such as Syria, Egypt, and Yemen still seems like shooting at a moving target. Yet what has not escaped notice is the central role military actors have played during these uprisings. We describe how soldiers have three options when ordered to suppress mass unrest. They mayexitthe regime by remaining in the barracks or going into exile,resistby fighting for the challenger or initiating a coup d’état, or remainloyaland use force to defend the regime. We argue that existing accounts of civil-military relations are ill equipped to explain the diverse patterns in exit, resistance, and loyalty during unrest because they often ignore the effects of military hierarchy. Disaggregating the military and parsing the interests and constraints of different agents in that apparatus is crucial for explaining military cohesion during such crises. Drawing on extensive fieldwork we apply our principal-agent framework to explain varying degrees and types of military cohesion in three Arab Spring cases: Bahrain, Yemen, and Syria. Studying military hierarchy elucidates decision-making within authoritarian regimes amid mass mobilization and allows us to better explain regime re-stabilization, civil war onset, or swift regime change in the wake of domestic unrest.

Turkey's army reform could turn into power grab

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Constitutional Reforms ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Turkish Society

Subject The impact of the failed July coup on civilian-military relations. Significance The psychological impacts of the attempted coup across political life cannot be understated; it has far-reaching implications for the political, bureaucratic and even ideological structures of the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK). In the aftermath of the attempted putsch, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is more determined than ever to alter the civilian-military machinery of government in Turkey radically. Impacts The purge and radical reforms will bring into question the TSK's operational and strategic reliability for Western partners. A permanently weakened TSK would ease the way for constitutional reforms strengthening Erdogan's grip on the state. It will take years to rebuild the confidence and prestige the military has lost among broad swathes of Turkish society. Any criticism of the TSK reforms, domestically or from abroad, will meet the authorities' fierce condemnation.

Social sciences in Brazil in perspective: foundation, consolidation and diversification

2005 ◽  
Vol 44 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 283-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hélgio Trindade
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
International Exchange ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Federal States ◽  
The Social ◽  
The University ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact

The article analyzes the development of social sciences in Brazil from a historical-sociological standpoint as seen through the construction of three disciplines: sociology, anthropology and political science. Beginning with the political and cultural context and the pre-sociology “essayism” phase, the author outlines the initial foundation and institutionalization of the social sciences (1934-64), which started with the foundation of the University of São Paulo and ended with the military coup d’état in 1964. He then goes on to analyze the crisis of the “Populist Republic” and the impact of the ideological radicalization on the social sciences, with an emphasis on the paradox of their simultaneous professionalization and consolidation through research and teaching under the military dictatorship (1965-83). Finally, the author turns to the democratic transition that ended in the “New Republic” (1984-2003), stressing the nationalization of the social sciences and the parallel diversification and split between teaching and research. The analysis of the three historical periods addresses the dynamics of the social sciences and their relationship with the central and the federal states, the hierarchy of disciplines, the dominant topics and international exchange. In conclusion, the author raises the question that is fundamental for the future, that of the crisis of national and international funding for the social sciences.

Domestic and International Constituencies in Military Coups

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ömer Aslan
Keyword(s):  
Military Training ◽  
Large Body ◽  
International Level ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
International Environment ◽  
State Actors ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military ◽  
Coups D'etat ◽  
Domestic Affair

Available scholarship on civil–military relations literature treats the occurrence of military coups d’état either as a purely domestic affair or a simple outcome of international dynamics. That is, a large body of literature assumes that a military coup d’état takes place on either a domestic or international level. When taken as an exclusively domestic affair, reasons for military coups d’état run the gamut from domestic instability and political corruption, state weakness, economic collapse, and the institutional culture of a military and its desire to protect its corporate interests, to political culture and popular support. Yet, a parallel body of work either reduces coup plotters to the status of proxies of powerful global state actors or assumes that wars, crises, external threats, foreign military training, or peacekeeping missions shape the military decision to seize power. Both perspectives deservedly take the military as the focal point of coups, yet presume either that that military is easily able to dictate a particular course of action to all the remaining domestic actors or is unidirectionally influenced by international actors. A coup d’état, however, must take into account different constituencies within and outside the military for it to take place. At the domestic level various actors, from opposition politicians, media corporations, and labor unions to business associations and “military opinion” itself, need to be taken into account. At the international level, coup plotters may either directly engage in negotiations, bargaining, and dialogue with or try to interpret signals delivered by external state actors. Coup plotters may use military-to-military relations developed by military officer exchanges and joint work in common security and defense organizations such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Given that they are rational actors, coup-makers know well enough to look for ‘propitious circumstances’ at home and abroad (regional and international) as well as predict resonance between the domestic and international environment. Although military elites are better positioned to use their international network to engage in dialogue and bargaining at the international level, mid-ranking officers also take into consideration the outside dimension. When several domestic pressure groups such as business organizations or ordinary people deem a coup not in their interest or not to be a preferred action at a particular point in time, and show their displeasure by sustained street action, a permissive international environment may not suffice to produce a coup. It is in the context of this brittle coup coalition and in this intimate and fragile appeal to domestic and international audiences that a coup attempt takes place.

scholarly journals ¿“Un paso hacia la libertad”? El anarcosindicalismo español ante el primer golpe de Estado en Argentina = “A step towards freedom”? The Spanish anarcho-syndicalism and the first coup d’etat in Argentina

2020 ◽  
pp. 173
Author(s):  
José Daniel Benclowicz
Keyword(s):  
Social Situation ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Transnational Relations ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Argentine History ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Do So

Resumen: Este trabajo examina las representaciones del anarcosindicalismo español de un suceso trascendente de la historia argentina: el golpe de Estado de 1930, el primero desde la organización política definitiva de este país. En esta línea, analizo la recepción de las noticias sobre la situación política y social argentina, atendiendo a la evolución de una desconocida y llamativa simpatía por el golpe militar que se plantea inicialmente en las páginas de Solidaridad Obrera, el periódico de la CNT. Se adopta una perspectiva transnacional que tiene en cuenta los diálogos y relaciones entre las distintas tendencias anarquistas a ambos lados del océano y la incidencia del contexto político de cada país. De este modo, además de dar cuenta de los posicionamientos cambiantes de la CNT, el trabajo aporta elementos para examinar el poco conocido devenir del anarquismo argentino en este período.Palabras clave: Anarcosindicalismo español, Representaciones de la Argentina, Primera mitad de los años 30, Golpe de Estado de 1930, Relaciones transnacionales.Abstract: This paper examines the representations of Spanish anarcho-syndicalism of a pivotal event in Argentine history: the coup d'etat of 1930, the first since the final political organization of this country. In order to do so, I analyze the reception of the news about the political and social situation in Argentina, charting the evolution of an unexpected and striking sympathy for the military coup, initially presented in the pages of Solidaridad Obrera, the CNT newspaper. A transnational perspective is adopted, which take into account the dialogues and relationships between the different anarchist tendencies on both sides of the Atlantic, as well as the impact of the political context of each country. Thus, in addition to providing an account of the changing positions of the CNT, the article also explores the little known development of Argentine anarchism in this period.Keywords: Spanish anarcho-syndicalism, Representations of Argentina, First half of the 1930s, Coup d'etat of 1930, Transnational relations.

The Armed Branch of the State: Civil–Military Relations in Mexico

1995 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 423-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mónica Serrano
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Division Of Labour ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Transitions To Democracy ◽  
Democratic Control ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Military Balance

AbstractThis article explores the relationship between civil-military relations and political change. Transitions to democracy in Latin America have led scholars to focus attention on the legacy of military rule and those efforts aimed at securing democratic control of the military. The article examines the foundations of civilian supremacy in Mexico, established within the context of a hegemonic party system. Changes brought about in the civil-military balance as a result of shifts in the division of labour between civilians and soldiers, as well as the impact of political liberalisation, are also analysed. Drawing on the experience of other transitions to democracy, the article discusses some of the issues raised by the dismantling of hegemonic rule for civil-military relations in Mexico.

scholarly journals Tinjauan Yuridis Pencabutan Pasal 57 dan Pasal 60 Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2006 Tentang Pemerintahan Aceh

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-86
Author(s):  
Muhammad Heikal Daudy ◽  
Fachrurrozi Kaloko
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Election Commission ◽  
Laws And Regulations

Article 269 paragraph (3) of Law Number 11 of 2006 on the Government ofAceh (UUPA) states "In the event that a planned amendment to this Law iscarried out by, first consult and has Aceh House of representatives (DPRA) consideration". Revocation of Article 57 and Article 60 of the UUPA through Law Number 7 of 2017 on General Elections by the Indonesian House of Reprsentatives (DPR RI) was not in accordance with the applicable laws and regulations because the DPR RI does not consult and is not based on DPRA considerations as mandated by Article 8 paragraph (2) and Article 269 paragraph (3) of the UUPA, and the impact of losing Aceh's specificity due to the takingover of the authority of the DPRA in recruitment, membership composition, procedures for filling members of the Independent Election Commission (KIP) to the Central KPU as well as the authority in electing members of the Aceh Election Supervisory Committee (Panwaslih) conducted under the UUPA.

scholarly journals Social Media and Electoral Campaigns: A Study of 2013 General Elections in Punjab

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 975-982
Author(s):  
Abdul Ghani ◽  
Ghulam Shabir ◽  
Qamar Uddin Zia Ghaznavi
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Young Population ◽  
Political Awareness ◽  
Electoral Campaigns ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Impact

Social Media sites such as Facebook, YouTube, WhatsApp, IMO, Twitter and Viber have become famous social interaction forums among all age groups in Pakistan. Social media websites remained the most common platform for the exchange of political ideas and political awareness, consequently influencing political mobilization and bringing change in the political setup of Punjab. This study evaluates the impact of social media on molding the behaviors of voters during the general elections in 2013.The aim was to quantify how social media websites affected political mobilization and altered the Pakistani political setup. The findings are based on a survey conducted amongst the population of Punjab belonging to different age groups, gender, profession, qualification, and localities. Significant correlations were found among different variables i.e. gender, age, profession and locality of the participants. This paper suggests that social media has affected the young population most in Pakistan and helped alter the politicalbehavior of voters.

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