Botswana’s 2019 General Elections: A Referendum on General Ian Khama

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Batlang Seabo ◽  
Robert Nyenhuis
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
General Election ◽  
Electoral Democracy ◽  
The Future ◽  
General Elections ◽  
History Of ◽  
First Time ◽  
Ruling Party

Abstract On October 23, 2019, Botswana held its twelfth free and fair election. For the first time in the history of Botswana’s electoral democracy, a former president (Ian Khama) defected from the ruling party and supported the opposition. The opposition coalition, working informally with Khama, mounted a spirited campaign against the well-oiled machine, the incumbent and long-ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP). Seabo and Nyenhuis reflect on the 2019 general election, analyze the outcome, and consider the implications for the future of Botswana’s electoral democracy. They argue that barring other factors, the BDP’s resounding victory was mainly a result of Batswana’s rejection of former president Ian Khama.

The Internal Stakes of the 2005 Elections: The Struggle for Influence in Egypt's National Democratic Party

2007 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-111
Author(s):  
Virginie Collombier
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
The Future ◽  
External Actors ◽  
First Time

Beyond the relative opening of the political system that characterized 2005 in Egypt — with the President being elected directly for the first time and the increased competition allowed during legislative elections — the 2005 elections also constituted an opportunity to consider and evaluate the internal struggles for influence under way within the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP). In a context largely influenced by the perspective of President Husni Mubarak's succession and by calls for reform coming from both internal and external actors, changes currently occurring at the party level may have a decisive impact on the future of the Egyptian regime.

Varlam Shalamov. Rilke and Drozhzhin

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (6) ◽  
pp. 134-140
Author(s):  
Marina Yu. Koreneva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Main Achievement ◽  
Archival Material ◽  
Introductory Article ◽  
The Future ◽  
History Of ◽  
Varlam Shalamov ◽  
First Time ◽  
Academic Study

In the publication V.T. Shalamov’s notes of the early 1970s about the meeting of the famous Austrian poet R.M. Rilke with the peasant poet S.D. Drozhzhin are introduced into academic study for the first time. The meeting took place in 1900 during Rilke’s second trip to Russia. The notes preserved in Shalamov’s archives represent preliminary observations for the future essay, which remained unfinished. The introductory article traces the history of Shalamov’s acquaintance with Rilke’s work and reconstructs Rilke’s image as perceived by Shalamov in the context of his biography and work. It also reconstructs, on the basis of letters and notebooks, the stages of an unrealized plan related to the theme of “Rilke and Drozhzhin”, suggested to Shalamov by B.L. Pasternak, but read by him in the subjective optics of the poet, who considered his main achievement “understanding of nature”. This subjective optics, which distinguishes Shalamov’s text from all subsequent interpretations of this historical and literary plot, is manifested especially clearly in the correlation of the figures of Rilke and Drozhzhin with Soviet writers who were Shalamov’s contemporaries (Tvardovsky, Dzhambul, Stalsky, etc.). The new archival material makes it possible to supplement the picture of the Soviet “Rilkeana” and to expand the understanding of Shalamov’s range of interests.

Ethiopia faces risks to peaceful and fair elections

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
General Election ◽  
Election Outcome ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Past ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Ruling Party

Subject Risks to Ethiopia's 2020 elections. Significance The National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) has announced that general elections will be held on August 29 this year. Although the polls are widely expected to be more competitive and freer than in the past, a combination of logistical challenges, growing insecurity and accusations of unfair practices may undermine the peacefulness and fairness of the elections. Impacts Many parties may be unable to re-register in time to contest the elections, potentially narrowing the crowded electoral field. The government’s strong stance in negotiations over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam may help the ruling party’s dented reputation. As local polls will not be held yet, the ruling party will continue to control local bodies regardless of the general election outcome.

The Aftermath of Algeria’s First Free Local Elections

1991 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 466-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Belkacem Iratni ◽  
Mohand Salah Tahi
Keyword(s):  
Collective Memory ◽  
Social System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
History Of ◽  
First Time ◽  
Colonial Settlement ◽  
Ruling Party

THERE ARE SOME DATES AND EVENTS WHICH REMAIN engraved in the collective memory of a people. In Algeria these are: 1 November 1954, which sparked the eight-year long War of Liberation; 5 July 1962, which witnessed the end of French rule over the country after 130 years of colonial settlement; and 12 June 1990, which signalled the withering away of the monopoly of power exercised by the ruling party - the National Liberation Front (FLN) - following the holding of the first ever free and competitive local elections in the history of independent Algeria. No doubt, on 12 June 1990 the Constitution of 23 February 1989, which fundamentally transformed the political and social system of Algeria, achieved its most spectacular application. These elections aimed at the renewal of seats in the Councils of both APC: Assemblées Populaires Communales (constituencies), and APW: Assemblées Populaires de Wilayat (provinces). For the first time, Algerians were offered the freedom to choose their representatives from among lists of candidates sponsored by several newly-legalized parties alongside the FLN, and for the first time, the FLN tasted defeat.

scholarly journals An Assessment of the Emergence of Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan, in the 2002 General Elections

2021 ◽  
Vol VI (I) ◽  
pp. 142-153
Author(s):  
Jamal Shah ◽  
Zahir Shah ◽  
Syed Ali Shah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Political Force ◽  
The Third ◽  
Causative Factors ◽  
General Elections ◽  
History Of ◽  
First Time

Though Pakistani politics is heavily influenced by religion assumed to be the reason d'etat of the creation of Pakistan, prior to 2002, religious, political parties had never achieved effective electoral results. The October 2002 elections for the National and Provincial Assemblies were a turning point for the religious, political parties in the history of Pakistan. It was the first time that a conglomeration of six religious, political parties, the Jamaat-i-Islami, the Jamiat-i-Ulema-iPakistan (JUP-N), Jamiat-i-Ahle Hadith (JAH-S), the Jamiat-Ulema-iIslam (JUI-F), Jamiat-Ulema-i-Islam (JUI-S), and the Tehrik-i-Jaferia Pakistan (TJP) swept the polls under the umbrella of the Muttahida Majlise-Amal (MMA) (United Council for Action) due to the active support of the Army and America. The alliance emerged as the third-largest political force in the country, with 45 out of the 272 National Assembly general seats. Moreover, the MMA got an overwhelming mandate in the KhyberPakhtunkhwa (KP) and Baluchistan, allowing it to form a government in the KP and became a coalition partner in Baluchistan. The present study is an attempt to answer the question, "what were the causative factors of MMA's emergence and whether it achieved what it promised during the election campaign?".

scholarly journals The 2019 General Election and the Transparency Question in Nigeria: Political Party Financing As the Bane of Youth Participation

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-49
Author(s):  
O Babayo Sule ◽  
Usman Sambo ◽  
Yoserizal Saragih
Keyword(s):  
Participant Observation ◽  
General Election ◽  
Youth Participation ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
General Elections ◽  
History Of ◽  
Campaign Expenditure ◽  
The Cost

Election is perceived as the most peaceful means of power transfer in a democratic setting. It enables for competitive struggles to secure power in a prescribed rule of the game constitutionally. Nigeria is a democratic state currently undergoing its longest democratic transition unprecedented in the history of the country where six consecutive uninterrupted General Elections were conducted. However, the major issue of concern with Nigeria’s democratisation is youth participation and exclusion from politics. A major factor behind the marginalisation of youth is linked to the transparency question in terms of party financing and money politics. This study examined critically how the process of party financing excluded Nigeria’s youth from participating in the 2019 General Election. The study used a qualitative case study method. Data were gathered from primary and secondary sources. The primary sources included an in-depth interview with relevant stakeholders in the field, direct participant observation and consultation of government’s primary documents. The secondary sources were books, journals, newspapers, reports from organisations and agencies and internet sources. The data collected were discussed and interpreted using statistical techniques of tables, charts and a model. The work discovered that youth were barred from participating in Nigeria’s 2019 General Election in terms of contesting and winning of elective seats emanating from heavy use of money in party financing and campaign expenditure. The study thus, recommends that the viable alternative for youth to participate in Nigerian politics actively is to establish parties and lower the cost of obtaining party nomination and contest.

scholarly journals HUNGARY ON THE EVE OF THE ELECTIONS 2022

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 77-83
Author(s):  
Lyubov Shishelina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
History Of ◽  
New Generation ◽  
First Time ◽  
Ruling Party

In the article, the author analyzes the «pre-elections» that took place in Hungary in September – October 2021, in other words, the «primaries» of the opposition. Such an attempt of being elected to the Parliament in Central European countries was applied for the first time since the change of the system and its result, judging by the subsequent emotions of the participants, cannot yet be considered unambiguous. There is no such norm in the Constitution of the country, however, instead of creating an electoral coalition, as, for example, in the neighboring Czech Republic, Hungarian opposition politicians decided to go further, in a certain sense, binding themselves to the model of the American electoral system. The essence of the vote, as it was explained by the participants of the event, was not to disperse the opposition forces, but to gather them into one fist in order to defeat the FIDESZ / KDNP coalition that had already won three times subsequently before the spring of 2022. The outcome of first primaries in history of Hungary is interesting by the fact that in the end, the victory was by a politician of a new generation who took part in this event, but did not bind himself to signing program documents, and who only recently created his own political movement. The question of how consistent his former candidates for the post of prime Minister from the opposition will be in the remaining six months is also interesting. One way or another, Hungary’s political system is being tested by a new electoral mechanism, which is designed to consolidate the main political forces of this country. No less interesting in this regard is the line of conduct of the ruling party and Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who did not interfere in the new political process taking place in full view of the whole country.

scholarly journals Reading newspapers on the web with a refined history feature

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodorich Kopetzky
Keyword(s):  
Web Browser ◽  
Prototype Implementation ◽  
The Future ◽  
History Of ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Web

Current web browser offer a history feature. Interestingly, this feature can still be refined. In this paper such a refinement is presented: the history of the seen. With this refinement not only clicked links are considered for the history but also links which only have been displayed to user. This is under the assumption that a link not followed will be less interesting in the future. By making the presentation of such links more inconspicuous, the cognitive burden on the users is reduced. A prototype implementation is shown for news sites, where not following a link the first time usually means that the link will not be followed in the future as well.

scholarly journals Pembatalan Pembahasan Rancangan Undang-Undang tentang Penyelenggaraan Pemilihan Umum dan Keterkaitannya pada Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2024

PLENO JURE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-67
Author(s):  
Abd. Kahar Muzakkir ◽  
Muhammad Alhamid ◽  
Gustiana A. Kambo
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Swot Analysis ◽  
Task Force ◽  
General Election ◽  
Normative Study ◽  
National Legislation ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
General Elections

This study aims to analyze the Government's rejection of the Draft Law on General Election, which has been stipulated in the 2020-2024 National Legislation Program and its relation to the 2024 General Election. This type of research is a normative study using a political-law approach. The technical analysis used in this study, namely hermeneutic analysis, interpretation analysis, and SWOT analysis. The results show that the Government's rejection of the Draft Law on General Elections that have been stipulated in the 2020-2024 National Legislation Program will increase Jokowi's political power as a cadre of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle and will provide electoral benefits to gain constituent votes in the 2024 Election. This is reinforced by a SWOT analysis related to implementing the presidential threshold in the 2024 General Election, where only the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle can directly carry its cadres to become Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidate Pairs without a coalition of political parties. Meanwhile, eight political parties must form a candidate for the Joint Candidate Pair of Political Parties in the 2024 Election. Furthermore, it is hoped that President Joko Widodo will continue to carry out his role as head of state and not abuse power at the time of appointing a task force, both at the provincial and Regency/City levels. In addition, it is hoped that every political party will continue to carry out the best strategy in promoting Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidates without having to lead public opinion regarding the presidential threshold issue in the 2024 General Election.     Abstrak Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis penolakan Pemerintah terhadap Rancangan Undang-Undang tentang Penyelenggaraan Pemilihan Umum yang telah ditetapkan dalam Program Legislasi Nasional Rancangan (Prolegnas) 2020-2024, serta keterkaitannya pada Pemilihan Umum 2024. Jenis penelitian ini merupakan penelitian normatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan politik hukum. Adapun teknis analisis yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini, yaitu analisis hermeneutik, analisis interpretasi, dan analisis SWOT. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penolakan Pemerintah terhadap Rancangan Undang-Undang tentang Pemilihan Umum yang telah ditetapkan dalam Prolegnas Rancangan 2020-2024 akan memperbesar kekuasaan politik Jokowi selaku kader Partai PDIP-P, dan akan memberikan manfaat elektoral untuk meraih suara konstituen pada Pemilu 2024. Hal ini diperkuat dengan analisis SWOT terkait implementasi presidential threshold pada Pemilu Tahun 2024, dimana hanya PDIP yang dapat langsung mengusung Kadernya menjadi Pasangan Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden tanpa koalisi atau gabungan partai Politik. Sedangkan delapan Partai Politik di antaranya harus membentuk usungan Pasangan Calon Gabungan Partai Politik pada Pemilu Tahun 2024. Selanjutnya, diharapkan Presiden Joko Widodo tetap menjalankan peranannya sebagai kepala Negara dan tidak menyalahgunakan kekuasaan pada saat melakukan PLT, baik di tingkatan Provinsi maupun Kabupaten/Kota. Selain itu, diharapkan setiap Partai Politik tetap melakukan strategi terbaik dalam mengusung Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden tanpa harus menggiring opini publik terkait permasalahan presidential threshold pada Pemilu Tahun 2024.

scholarly journals The Impact of Fake News and the Emerging Post-Truth Political Era on Nigerian Polity: A Review of Literature

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Umaru A. Pate ◽  
Danjuma Gambo ◽  
Adamkolo Mohammed Ibrahim
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Online News ◽  
Fake News ◽  
The Public ◽  
Key Stakeholders ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Ruling Party

Since the rising to notoriety of the present ‘genre’ of malicious content peddled as ‘fake news’ (mostly over social media) in 2016 during the United States’ presidential election, barely three years until Nigeria’s 2019 general elections, fake news has made dangerously damaging impacts on the Nigerian society socially, politically and economically. Notably, the escalating herder-farmer communal clashes in the northern parts of the country, ethno-religious crises in Taraba, Plateau and Benue states and the furiously burning fire of the thug-of-war between the ruling party (All Progressives Congress, APC) and the opposition, particularly the main opposition party (People’s Democratic Party, PDP) have all been attributed to fake news, untruth and political propaganda. This paper aims to provide further understanding about the evolving issues regarding fake news and its demonic impact on the Nigerian polity. To make that contribution toward building the literature, extant literature and verifiable online news content on fake news and its attributes were critically reviewed. This paper concludes that fake news and its associated notion of post-truth may continue to pose threat to the Nigerian polity unless strong measures are taken. For the effects of fake news and post-truth phenomena to be suppressed substantially, a tripartite participation involving these key stakeholders – the government, legislators and the public should be modelled and implemented to the letter.

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