scholarly journals Pembatalan Pembahasan Rancangan Undang-Undang tentang Penyelenggaraan Pemilihan Umum dan Keterkaitannya pada Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2024

PLENO JURE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-67
Author(s):  
Abd. Kahar Muzakkir ◽  
Muhammad Alhamid ◽  
Gustiana A. Kambo

This study aims to analyze the Government's rejection of the Draft Law on General Election, which has been stipulated in the 2020-2024 National Legislation Program and its relation to the 2024 General Election. This type of research is a normative study using a political-law approach. The technical analysis used in this study, namely hermeneutic analysis, interpretation analysis, and SWOT analysis. The results show that the Government's rejection of the Draft Law on General Elections that have been stipulated in the 2020-2024 National Legislation Program will increase Jokowi's political power as a cadre of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle and will provide electoral benefits to gain constituent votes in the 2024 Election. This is reinforced by a SWOT analysis related to implementing the presidential threshold in the 2024 General Election, where only the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle can directly carry its cadres to become Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidate Pairs without a coalition of political parties. Meanwhile, eight political parties must form a candidate for the Joint Candidate Pair of Political Parties in the 2024 Election. Furthermore, it is hoped that President Joko Widodo will continue to carry out his role as head of state and not abuse power at the time of appointing a task force, both at the provincial and Regency/City levels. In addition, it is hoped that every political party will continue to carry out the best strategy in promoting Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidates without having to lead public opinion regarding the presidential threshold issue in the 2024 General Election.     Abstrak Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis penolakan Pemerintah terhadap Rancangan Undang-Undang tentang Penyelenggaraan Pemilihan Umum yang telah ditetapkan dalam Program Legislasi Nasional Rancangan (Prolegnas) 2020-2024, serta keterkaitannya pada Pemilihan Umum 2024. Jenis penelitian ini merupakan penelitian normatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan politik hukum. Adapun teknis analisis yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini, yaitu analisis hermeneutik, analisis interpretasi, dan analisis SWOT. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penolakan Pemerintah terhadap Rancangan Undang-Undang tentang Pemilihan Umum yang telah ditetapkan dalam Prolegnas Rancangan 2020-2024 akan memperbesar kekuasaan politik Jokowi selaku kader Partai PDIP-P, dan akan memberikan manfaat elektoral untuk meraih suara konstituen pada Pemilu 2024. Hal ini diperkuat dengan analisis SWOT terkait implementasi presidential threshold pada Pemilu Tahun 2024, dimana hanya PDIP yang dapat langsung mengusung Kadernya menjadi Pasangan Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden tanpa koalisi atau gabungan partai Politik. Sedangkan delapan Partai Politik di antaranya harus membentuk usungan Pasangan Calon Gabungan Partai Politik pada Pemilu Tahun 2024. Selanjutnya, diharapkan Presiden Joko Widodo tetap menjalankan peranannya sebagai kepala Negara dan tidak menyalahgunakan kekuasaan pada saat melakukan PLT, baik di tingkatan Provinsi maupun Kabupaten/Kota. Selain itu, diharapkan setiap Partai Politik tetap melakukan strategi terbaik dalam mengusung Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden tanpa harus menggiring opini publik terkait permasalahan presidential threshold pada Pemilu Tahun 2024.

Author(s):  
Yusriadi Yusriadi ◽  
Armin Anwar ◽  
Enni Enni

A country can be called upholding the values of democracy if, in that country, there is a guarantee in freedom of thought and opinion. And, of all of that, one of them was realized by the existence of elections. As a country that adheres to the principle of democracy, it is important for Indonesians to have a process for selecting people to fill certain political positions. 2019 Election becomes a new chapter for Indonesia in holding general elections, more than 187 million voters both domestically and abroad for the first time will elect simultaneously legislative and vice-presidential candidates. This study illustrates political reform in elections in Indonesia, In the 2019 Election, the competition of political parties to qualify for the House of Representatives was increasingly difficult. The parliamentary threshold that must be achieved by political parties to place their cadres in the House of Representatives rose to 4 percent in the 2019 Election. That number rose 0.5 percent compared to the 2014 legislative elections of 3.5 percent.


2008 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 289-291
Author(s):  
Wayne P. Steger

Understanding why certain candidates get nominated is an important aspect of political scientists. This topic is a narrow one and influences a wider variety of subjects such as the political parties, general elections, and even the extent to which the United States is a democratic country. Presidential nominees matter—they become the foremost spokesperson and the personified image of the party (Miller and Gronbeck 1994), the main selectors of issues and policies for their party’s general election campaign (Petrocik 1996; Tedesco 2001), a major force in defining the ideological direction of a political party (Herrera 1995), and candidates that voters select among in the general election. This volume is devoted to presidential nominations and the 2008 nomination specifically.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-82
Author(s):  
I Kadek Andika Setiawan ◽  
I Gusti Bagus Suryawan ◽  
I Wayan Arthanaya

A failed general election will result in a re-election and will certainly require additional budget. The purpose of this research is to find out the mechanism for the implementation of the re-election and to analyze the use of the State Revenue and Expenditure Budget in the implementation of the re-election. The research method used is normative legal research with a statutory approach and a conceptual approach. The results of this study indicate that the mechanism for implementing the re-election is a dispute over the results of the disputed General Election, by presidential candidates and members of the legislative candidates through the Constitutional Court decision. The mechanism for the provision of funds from the State Revenue and Expenditure Budget in the implementation of the re-General Election is the submission of additional costs by the General Election Commission to the Budget Institution and the Budget Department to revise the budget for the implementation of General Elections that are undergoing re-election.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Batlang Seabo ◽  
Robert Nyenhuis

Abstract On October 23, 2019, Botswana held its twelfth free and fair election. For the first time in the history of Botswana’s electoral democracy, a former president (Ian Khama) defected from the ruling party and supported the opposition. The opposition coalition, working informally with Khama, mounted a spirited campaign against the well-oiled machine, the incumbent and long-ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP). Seabo and Nyenhuis reflect on the 2019 general election, analyze the outcome, and consider the implications for the future of Botswana’s electoral democracy. They argue that barring other factors, the BDP’s resounding victory was mainly a result of Batswana’s rejection of former president Ian Khama.


Author(s):  
Muhammad Mukhtarrija ◽  
I gusti Ayu Ketut Rachmi Handayani ◽  
Agus Riwanto

This study raises the legal issue against the enactment of Law No. 7 of 2017 on General Elections in Indonesia. The law has violated the constitutional rights of new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants that began in 2017. The injustice is seen in article 222 which requires the provision of presidential threshold for political parties nominating the president and vice-presidential pairs based on the results of general elections in 2014. If this provision is applied, automatically the new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants in Indonesia do not have the opportunity to nominate a couple of presidents and vice presidents. Based on the Constitution of the 1945 Constitution, the president and vice president are nominated by a political party or a coalition of political parties participating in the general election. Considering the constitution applicable in Indonesia should every political party participating in the general election have equal rights and opportunity in carrying the candidate of president and vice president to be elected by the people in a democracy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-232
Author(s):  
Andi Desmon

As a means of implementing popular sovereignty, general elections have become a sort of agenda for modern state routines within a certain period of time to distribute power. Constitutionally, the implementation of general elections has been regulated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. The Presidential threshold is the concept of proposing presidential and vice presidential candidates. This proposal is carried out by political parties or joint political parties in election elections. Political parties or joint political parties are responsible for the proposed pair of presidents and vice presidents. This paper uses normative juridical research. General elections are the implementation of the principle of popular sovereignty. One of the principles of popular sovereignty is the recognition of the majority of the voice of sovereignty and giving respect to the voice of minorities by providing equal opportunities and benefits to achieve equality and justice. Therefore the implementation of the presidential threshold is not relevant to the principle of popular sovereignty, because it does not give respect to political parties that get a minority vote by providing equal opportunities and benefits to achieve equality and justice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayub Muksin

<p>The Republic of Indonesia since 1945 when it proclaimed its independent from the Dutch colonialism adopted democracy as political system. In its political development, democracy in Indonesia had many names or label. From 1945 until 1959, the Republic of Indonesia adopted and implemented which   is commonly known as Liberal Democracy. During the period of 1945 – 1959, the government of Indonesia held  successfully general election with 39 political parties as well as mass organization and group of constituens which all together 100 participants in the general election. From 1959 until 1966, democracy which was took on called Guided Democracy.During this period there was no general election eventhough some political parties were permitted to exist by the current rezime . The rezime was of the opinion that the Indonesian people was not ready yet for carrying out generah election. After aborted Communist coup d’etat at 30 September 1965, new government arised, and they called their government as New Order or Orba in Bahasa Indonesia. The new order remained to adopt democracy in political system which was labelled as Democracy Pancasila, referred to the nation and state philosophy. The new order government organized six  times general election which was held in 1971 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992 and 1997. In general election 1973 there was  10 political parties and 1 mass organization called Golkar, formed by government as main political power of Orba. Since 1977 the election participants were only two parties, the United Party for Development (PPP), the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) and Golkar. Then Golkar developed as hegemonic party, ardent and strong supporter to the Orba government, and always winning  in every general election. When Reformation Era came in 1998, the reformation government named its democracy as Demokrasi Reformasi, and as of 1998 until now, had successfully organized 4(four) times general elections with its participants fluctuated.  In 1999’s general election the participants was 48 political parties, 2004’ election was 24 parties, 2009’ s election was 38 parties, 2014’ general election was 12 parties. For 2019’ s general election, 16 parties was declared by the General Election Commission  or KPU as participants nationally.</p><p>From theoretical perspectives on democracy, whatever labelled or named, democracy implemented  in Indonesia  formally as DEMOCRACY.</p><p>Key words : Democracy. Political Parties, General Election.</p>


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-374
Author(s):  
Nur’Ayni Itasari

Abstract: The selection process through the  (general) election mechanism can be identified with the electoral system ever implemented in the Islamic government. First, the electoral system of ahl al-hall wa al-'aqd which was carried out by the trust and allegiance. Second, the electoral system of ahl al-hall wa al-'aqd which was done through the periodic election, selection in society, and by the head of state. Parliamentary Threshold (PT) is a threshold mechanism in place at legislative elections (for parliament) with a percentage of 2.5% for the political parties which contested the election to follow the counting in the determination of the House of Representative’s seats. Parliamentary Threshold, according to Law No. 10 year 2008, article 202, paragraph 1 (regarding the election of members of DPR, DPD and DPRD) in the 2009 election, was implemented by calculating the minimum total of 2.5% of the valid votes in the national political party contestants. Then those parties were listed, which ones were the Parliamentary Threshold and which ones were not the Parliamentary Threshold to determine BPP to calculate the DPR’s seats for the electoral party  contestants that had passed the threshold.Keywords: Parliamentary threshold, general election, democracy, and constitution


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 102
Author(s):  
Wazni '

This study describes that how women legislative candidates were recruited by political parties atPekanbaru City in General Election 2009. The Democratic Party, The Indonesian Democratic Party –Struggle and The Prosperous Justice Party become cases study. Firstly, The Democratic Party usedinternal mechanism by local patronage type. On other hand, The Indonesia Democratic Party – Struggleused internal mechanism by central patronage type. However, both are an ascriptive style recruitment. Inaddition, The Prosperous Justice Party used internal mechanism by local bureaucratic. But, this style isan achievement oriented recruitment. Finally, in according to Kingsley that political party can consider 7points for recruitment. Namely, social background, political socialization, initial political activity,apprenticenship, occupational variables, motivation dan selection.Key words: political recruitment, women legislative candidates and political party.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernest Toochi Aniche

Generally, Nigerian political parties in the present republic have been hampered by crisis of internal democracy thus undermining their political leadership recruitment function. The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is a good example of one of these Nigerian political parties that lacks internal democracy. In fact, PDP was a leviathan. The 2015 Election symbolised a contest between David and Goliath. The electoral outcome is that PDP has transformed from a ruling party to an opposition party. The study, by relying on the theory of relative autonomy of the state and secondary sources, concludes that lack of internal democracy was a necessary condition for PDP’s poor performance in the 2015 General Elections, and thus, there is a relationship between crisis of internal democracy and 2015 electoral outcomes. Also, the article noted that PDP authoritarianism deepened crisis of internal democracy in Nigeria and that this authoritarian character of the former ruling PDP was a reflection of the authoritarian character of the Nigerian state, which is currently shaping the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). The study is essentially qualitative, historical and inductive.


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