Fated to be Orphans: The Consequences of Australia's Post-War Resettlement Policy on Refugee Children

2016 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 224-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Agutter

Between 1947 and 1953, Australia received over 170,000 Displaced People from Europe including widows and unmarried mothers. These refugees were expected to conform to the policies and expectations of the State, in particular the adherence to a 2-year work contract. This was an impossibility for many mothers who could not find work or accommodation outside of the government supplied migrant accommodation centres, and who, as a consequence, resorted to placing their children, either temporarily or permanently, in institutions or for adoption. Through an examination of archival documents, this paper examines the policies that resulted in migrant child placement and adoption and considers the role played by Department of Immigration social workers. It asks why, when migrant children were considered amongst the most desirable of new arrivals, were many fated to become orphans?

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-375
Author(s):  
Juliana Doretto

This study aims to identify the representations of migrant childhood in Brazilian digital media that belong to what we call the ‘webdiaspora’ – media outlets produced by or for migrants. We argue that these migrant and refugee children live in an ‘in-between’ condition, not physically but symbolically. They build their identities not only negotiating the stereotypes of what it is to be a child in their nation of origin and in the country they live in but also through the representations of what it is to be a migrant child. We seek to present the migrant childhood through news articles found in the digital platform Mídia de Migrantes de São Paulo (‘Migrant Media of São Paulo’), which gathers over 100 media outlets that are part of the ‘webdiaspora’ and are produced in the São Paulo state, Brazil. We found approximately 30 articles that discuss childhood, from only three websites. The article concludes that even in publications focusing on community communication, migrant children remain underrepresented.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-92
Author(s):  
Rasa Žukienė

Summary The main purpose of this report is to discuss the influence of political power on art studies in Lithuania and the creative work of artists from 1940 to 1953. It will be based on the destruction of the Kaunas Institute of Applied and Decorative Arts, which is little known to art historians. After the Second World War, this institute actually followed the traditions of Kaunas Art School (1922–1940): that was the reason for its closure in 1951. The closure was officially called the reorganisation and continuation of art studies in Vilnius. The post-war ideological content and power of the government acted in the study process. However, in essence, educators were guided by their modernist attitudes and did not accept Soviet directives. The report will try to show how political power has corrected art studies and changed the work of mature artists. This article raises a question about the cost of adaptation and resistance in life and creation. The idea is that the destruction of an art institution is possible, but it is impossible to completely destroy the art school tradition. These and other similar issues will be addressed in the article, based on archival documents and examples of works by several different generations of artists – Vytautas Kairiūkštis (1891–1961), Liudas Truikys (1904–1987), Zenonas Varnauskas (1923–2010).


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


2021 ◽  
pp. 0961463X2110212
Author(s):  
Kirill Postoutenko ◽  
Olga Sabelfeld

This article aims to demonstrate that the transition from the mainstream narrative to the interactional history of concepts promises tangible benefits for scholars of social time in general and temporal comparisons in particular. It is shown that the traditionally close alignment of narration with the production of historical consciousness at various levels hinders the study of time as a semantic variable perpetually contested, amended and upheld across society. Alternatively, the references to time made in public settings, allowing for more or less instant reactions (turn-taking) as well as expression of dissenting opinions (stance-taking), offer a much more representative palette of temporal semantics and pragmatics in a given sociopolitical environment. In a particularly intriguing case, the essentially deliberative venue where contestation is supported by both institutional arrangements and political reasons (British House of Commons) is put to test under circumstances commonly known as ‘the post-war consensus’ – the unspoken convention directing opposing political parties to suspend stance-taking regarding the past actions of the government during WWII, its immediate aftermath and its future prospects. As a reliable indicator of this arrangement, the contestation of temporal comparisons between relevant pasts and futures is tested in oppositions reflecting party allegiances (Conservatives vs. Labour vs. Liberals) and executive functions (government vs. opposition) between 1946 and 1952. It is shown that, notwithstanding the prevalence of non-contested statements aimed at preserving interactional coherence and pragmatic functionality of the setting, the moderately active contestation of the adversary’s temporal comparisons in the House of Commons at that time helped all parties, albeit to a different degree, to shape their own political and institutional roles as well as to delegitimize their respective adversaries.


Polar Record ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naohiro Nakamura

ABSTRACTThis commentary reviews Maruyama's article ‘Japan's post-war Ainu policy: why the Japanese Government has not recognised Ainu indigenous rights?’ (Maruyama 2013a), published in this journal. Maruyama criticises the government for its reluctance to enact a new Ainu law to guarantee indigenous rights, even after Japan's ratification of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). However, in actuality, the government is searching for the foundation of new Ainu policies in the existing legal frameworks and trying to guarantee some elements of indigenous rights. Japan's case suggests the possibility of realising indigenous rights without the enactment of a specific law.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (324) ◽  
pp. 142-151
Author(s):  
Bogdan Chrzanowski

The regaining of the country’s independence, and then its revival after the war damages, including itseconomic infrastructure – these were the tasks set by the Polish government in exile, first in Paris and thenin London. The maritime economy was to play an important role here. The Polish government was fullyaware of the enormous economic and strategic benefits resulting from the fact that it had a coast, withthe port of Gdynia before the war. It was assumed that both in Gdynia and in the ports that were to belongto Poland after the war: Szczecin, Kołobrzeg, Gdańsk, Elbląg, Królewiec, the economic structure was to betransformed, and they were to become the supply points for Central and Eastern Europe. Work on thereconstruction of the post-war maritime economy was mainly carried out by the Ministry of Industry, Tradeand Shipping. In London, in 1942–1943, a number of government projects were set up to rebuild the entiremaritime infrastructure. All projects undertaken in exile were related to activities carried out by individualunderground divisions of the Polish Underground State domestically, i.e. the “Alfa” Naval Department of theHome Army Headquarters, the Maritime Department of the Military Bureau of Industry and Trade of the Headof the Military Bureau of the Home Army Headquarters and the Maritime Department of the Departmentof Industry Trade and Trade Delegation of the Government of the Republic of Poland in Poland. The abovementionedorganizational units also prepared plans for the reconstruction of the maritime economy, and theprojects developed in London were sent to the country. They collaborated here and a platform for mutualunderstanding was found.


Author(s):  
Gustaaf Janssens

A purely cultural perception of records and archives is one-sided andincomplete. Records and archival documents are necessary to confirm therights and the obligations of both the government and the citizens. "Therecords are crucial to hold us accountable", says archbishop D. Tutu, formerpresident of the South African 'Truth and Reconciliation Commission'. Forthis reason, the government should organize the archives in such a way thatarchival services can fulfil their task as guardians of society's memorie.Citizens' rights and archives have a close relationship.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Butler

Abstract This article considers the breakdown in discipline in the British Army which occurred in Britain and on the Western Front during the process of demobilization at the end of the First World War. Many soldiers, retained in the army immediately after the Armistice, went on strike, and some formed elected committees, demanding their swifter return to civilian life. Their perception was that the existing demobilization system was unjust, and men were soon organized by those more politically conscious members of the armed forces who had enlisted for the duration of the war. At one stage in January 1919, over 50,000 soldiers were out on strike, a fact that was of great concern to the British civilian and military authorities who miscalculated the risk posed by soldiers. Spurred on by many elements of the press, especially the Daily Mail and Daily Herald, who both fanned and dampened the flames of discontent, soldiers’ discipline broke down, demonstrating that the patriotism which had for so long kept them in line could only extend so far. Though senior members of the government, principally Winston Churchill, and the military, especially Douglas Haig and Henry Wilson, were genuinely concerned that Bolshevism had ‘infected’ the army, or, at the very least, the army had been unionized, their fears were not realized. The article examines the government’s strategy regarding demobilization, its efforts to assess the risk of politicization and manage the press, and its responses to these waves of strikes, arguing that, essentially, these soldiers were civilians first and simply wanted to return home, though, in the post-war political climate, government fears were very real.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Janet Fernandez Aspin ◽  
Loh Sau Cheong

 Refugee education is a challenge to the Malaysian government, with the ever rising influx of refugees into the country. Malaysia has policies in place whereby refugee children are not entitled or allowed an education in the government school system. They are encouraged to secure private education. The researcher was appointed as the external examiner for Year Six, the final year of Primary Education, whereby it was noted that a number of students had mastery of languages despite their adverse circumstances as refugee children.  Eleven students from the refugee camp were randomly selected on the basis of anonymity. They were interviewed within a secure environment and this data was analysed along with the test answer scripts. The study seeks to explore plausible reasons for their language mastery despite adverse circumstances and offers insights for the findings to be applied within a local context where English is taught as a second language. Key words: refugee, education, mastery, languages


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-304
Author(s):  
Nikolay F. Bugay ◽  

In the proposed review of scientific research, set out in 2 books, in a chronological framework: 1917–1977. and 1977–1993, the analysis of social technologies associated with the forms of organization of councils as state authorities, its political basis in the USSR / Russia, their capabilities, which had transformations during the periods of their formation and development, as well as other types – executive committees, revolutionary committees (revolutionary committees). The process of the emergence of the system of these authorities on the territory of the Kamchatka province / region is considered. The attitude of the researcher to the study of aspects of the topic is shown. His knowledge of both the essence of the existing assessments of their role, and the contribution to the development of the system itself. The content of directions for improving the management and regulation of social processes is analyzed. Attention is drawn to the direction of solutions to the problems of strengthening statehood, achieving effective activity of structural units, from lower to higher authorities. The author identified about 2000 portraits of political and public figures, representatives of this system in the Kamchatka region, disclosed the forms and methods of their work in different areas of management, development of the community of peoples on the territory of the multinational region. Materials and methods. In the writing of a review, the appeal to such methods as historical-genetic, historical-comparative, historical-typological, which allows, in aggregate, to trace the differences of the process, events that reflect the essence of the phenomenon that characterize the interaction, prevails. Along with this, a comparison of the processes of development of society and the management system at different stages of the period under study in 1917–1977, the military situation on the eve of the war, the war period of 1941–1945, post-war reconstruction, 1977–1993, the degree of generalization by the author of the material presented, revealing by him the essence of the transformations that took place. It is also obvious that there was every reason for attracting the prosopographic method of research, which allows not only to fully cognize the person (who represents power), but also to show the background of events. As for the materials directly, http://www.hist-edu.ru Историческая и социально-образовательная мысль. Toм 13 №2, 2021 Historical and Social-Educational Idea. Volume 13 #2, 2021 295 the researcher evaluates those that are used by him in the narrative – "living sources" (archival documents, press, memoirs) Due to the lack of analysis of the historiography of the problem under study, it is possible to present not only an assessment of the work done by the author. They mention, with rare exceptions, for example, the works of the famous writer of the Kamchatka Territory A.A. Smyshlyaev, as well as a collection of documents. The author identifies in the course of his work a large corps of workers' deputies employed in the past or in modern conditions in the work of government bodies (since 1917), of whom about 2 thousand people are mentioned.


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