scholarly journals RACIAL DIFFERENCES IN THE EFFECT OF MARRIAGEABLE MALES ON FEMALE FAMILY HEADSHIP

2018 ◽  
Vol 84 (3) ◽  
pp. 231-256
Author(s):  
Terry-Ann Craigie ◽  
Samuel L. Myers ◽  
William A. Darity

Abstract:Female family headship has strong implications for endemic poverty in the United States. Consequently, it is imperative to explore the chief factors that contribute to this problem. Departing from prior literature that places significant weight on welfare-incentive effects, our study highlights the role of male marriageability in explaining the prevalence of never-married female family headship for blacks and whites. Specifically, we examine racial differences in the effect of male marriageability on never-married female headship from 1980 to 2010. By exploiting data from IPUMS-USA (N = 4,958,722) and exogenous variation from state-level sentencing reforms, the study finds that the decline in the relative supply of marriageable males significantly increases the incidence of never-married female family headship for blacks but not for whites.

Author(s):  
Katherine Carté Engel

The very term ‘Dissenter’ became problematic in the United States, following the passing of the First Amendment. The formal separation of Church and state embodied in the First Amendment was followed by the ending of state-level tax support for churches. None of the states established after 1792 had formal religious establishments. Baptists, Congregationalists, Presbyterians, and Methodists accounted for the majority of the American population both at the beginning and end of this period, but this simple fact masks an important compositional shift. While the denominations of Old Dissent declined relatively, Methodism grew quickly, representing a third of the population by 1850. Dissenters thus faced several different challenges. Primary among these were how to understand the idea of ‘denomination’ and also the more general role of institutional religion in a post-establishment society. Concerns about missions, and the positions of women and African Americans are best understood within this context.


Energies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (19) ◽  
pp. 3803 ◽  
Author(s):  
Schmid ◽  
Horschig ◽  
Pfeiffer ◽  
Szarka ◽  
Thrän

Bioenergy contributes significantly towards the share of renewable energies, in Europe and worldwide. Besides solid and liquid biofuels, gaseous biofuels, such as biogas or upgraded biogas (biomethane), are an established renewable fuel in Europe. Although many studies consider biomethane technologies, feedstock potentials, or sustainability issues, the literature on the required legislative framework for market introduction is limited. Therefore, this research aims at identifying the market and legislative framework conditions in the three leading biomethane markets in Europe and compare them to the framework conditions of the top six non-European biomethane markets. This study shows the global status and national differences in promoting this renewable energy carrier. For the cross-country comparison, a systematic and iterative literature review is conducted. The results show the top three European biomethane markets (Germany, United Kingdom, Sweden) and the six non-European biomethane markets (Brazil, Canada, China, Japan, South Korea, and the United States of America), pursuing different promotion approaches and framework conditions. Noteworthy cross-national findings are the role of state-level incentives, the tendency to utilise biomethane as vehicular fuel and the focus on residues and waste as feedstock for biomethane production. Presenting a cross-country comparison, this study supports cross-country learning for the promotion of renewable energies like biomethane and gives a pertinent overview of the work.


2021 ◽  
pp. 153568412110547
Author(s):  
Zawadi Rucks-Ahidiana

Academics largely define gentrification based on changes in the class demographics of neighborhood residents from predominately low-income to middle-class. This ignores that gentrification always occurs in spaces defined by both class and race. In this article, I use the lens of racial capitalism to theorize gentrification as a racialized, profit-accumulating process, integrating the perspective that spaces are always racialized to class-centered theories. Using the prior literature on gentrification in the United States, I demonstrate how the concepts of value, valuation, and devaluation from racial capitalism explain where and how gentrification unfolds. Exposure to gentrification varies depending on a neighborhood’s racial composition and the gentrification stakeholders involved, which contributes to racial differences in the scale and pace of change and the implications of those changes for the processes of displacement. Revising our understanding of gentrification to address the racialization of space helps resolve seemingly contradictory findings across qualitative and quantitative studies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 134 (6) ◽  
pp. 634-642 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay S. Kaufman ◽  
Corinne A. Riddell ◽  
Sam Harper

Objectives: Racial differences in mortality in the United States have narrowed and vary by time and place. The objectives of our study were to (1) examine the gap in life expectancy between white and black persons (hereinafter, racial gap in life expectancy) in 4 states (California, Georgia, Illinois, and New York) and (2) estimate trends in the contribution of major causes of death (CODs) to the racial gap in life expectancy by age group. Methods: We extracted data on the number of deaths and population sizes for 1969-2013 by state, sex, race, age group, and 6 major CODs. We used a Bayesian time-series model to smooth and impute mortality rates and decomposition methods to estimate trends in sex- and age-specific contributions of CODs to the racial gap in life expectancy. Results: The racial gap in life expectancy at birth decreased in all 4 states, especially among men in New York (from 8.8 to 1.1 years) and women in Georgia (from 8.0 to 1.7 years). Although few deaths occurred among persons aged 1-39, racial differences in mortality at these ages (mostly from injuries and infant mortality) contributed to the racial gap in life expectancy, especially among men in California (1.0 year of the 4.3-year difference in 2013) and Illinois (1.9 years of the 6.7-year difference in 2013). Cardiovascular deaths contributed most to the racial gap in life expectancy for adults aged 40-64, but contributions decreased among women aged 40-64, especially in Georgia (from 2.8 to 0.5 years). The contribution of cancer deaths to inequality increased in California and Illinois, whereas New York had the greatest reductions in inequality attributable to cancer deaths (from 0.6 to 0.2 years among men and from 0.2 to 0 years among women). Conclusions: Future research should identify policy innovations and economic changes at the state level to better understand New York’s success, which may help other states emulate its performance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-398
Author(s):  
Jessica Owens-Young ◽  
Caryn N. Bell

Objectives: Despite improvements in infant mortality rates (IMR) in the United States, racial gaps in IMR remain and may be driven by both structural racism and place. This study assesses the relationship between structural racism and race-specific IMR and the role of urban-rural classifica­tion on race-specific IMR and Black/White racial gaps in IMR.Methods: We conducted an analysis of variance tests using 2019 County Health Rankings Data to determine differences in structural racism indicators, IMR and other co-variates by urban-rural classification. We used linear regressions to determine the associations between measures of structural racism and county-level health outcomes.Results: Study results suggest that racial inequities in education, work, and home­ownership negatively impact Black IMR, especially in large fringe, medium, and small metro counties, and positively impact White IMR. Structural racism is also associated with Black-White gaps in IMR.Conclusions: Factors related to structural racism may not be homogenous or have the same impacts on overall IMR, race-specific IMR, and racial differences in IMR across places. Understanding these differential impacts can help public health profes­sionals and policymakers improve Black infant health and eliminate racial inequities in IMR. Ethn Dis. 2020;30(3):389-398; doi:10.18865/ed.30.3.389


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel L. Rosenfeld

At the state level within the United States, did political ideology predict the outbreak of the novel coronavirus (COVID-19)? Throughout March 2020, the United States became the epicenter of the COVID-19 pandemic, recording the most cases of any country worldwide. The current research found that, at the state level within the United States, more conservative political ideology predicted delayed implementation of stay-at-home orders and more rapid spread of COVID-19. Effects were significant across two distinct operationalizations of political ideology and held over and above relevant covariates, suggesting a potentially unique role of political ideology in the United States’ COVID-19 outbreak. Considering political ideological factors may offer valuable insights into epidemiological processes surrounding COVID-19.


Author(s):  
Easton R. White ◽  
Laurent Hébert-Dufresne

AbstractDuring an epidemic, metrics such as R0, doubling time, and case fatality rates are important in understanding and predicting the course of an epidemic. However, if collected over country or regional scales, these metrics hide important smaller-scale, local dynamics. We examine how commonly used epidemiological metrics differ for each individual state within the United States during the initial COVID-19 outbreak. We found that the case number, and trajectory of cases, differs considerably between states. We show that early non-pharmaceutical, government actions, were the most important determinant of epidemic dynamics. In particular, restricting restaurant operations was correlated with increased doubling times. Although individual states are clearly not independent, they can serve as small, natural experiments in how different demographic patterns and government responses can impact the course of an epidemic.Daily updates to figures in this manuscript are available at: https://github.com/eastonwhite/COVID19_US_States


2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tima T. Moldogaziev ◽  
James E. Monogan ◽  
Christopher Witko

AbstractProminent public policy models have hypothesised that rising income inequality will lead to more redistributive spending. Subsequent theoretical advancements and empirical research often failed to find a positive relationship between inequality and redistributive spending, however. Over the last few decades both income inequality and redistributive spending have been growing in the United States states. In this work, we consider whether temporal variation in inequality can explain variation in redistributive spending, while controlling for a number of factors that covary with redistributive spending in the states. In an analysis of data for 1976–2008, we find that higher levels of inequality are associated with greater redistributive spending, offering empirical evidence that fiscal policy at the state level responds to growing levels of income inequality. Considering the growing role of state governments in welfare provision during the past several decades, this finding is relevant for policy researchers and practitioners at all levels of government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 3065
Author(s):  
Linyan Dai ◽  
Xin Sheng

While considering the role of social cohesion, we analyse the impact of uncertainty on housing markets across the 50 states of the United States, plus the District of Columbia, using the local projection method for panel data. We find that both short-term and long-term measurements of macroeconomic and financial uncertainties reduce real housing returns, with the strongest effect originated from the macro-economic uncertainty over the long term. Moreover, the degree of social cohesion does not change the nature of the impact of uncertainty on real housing returns dramatically, but the size of the negative effects is relatively large for states with low social cohesion.


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