When the Bubble Burst: Transient and Persistent National Front Supporters, 1974–79

1984 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher T. Husbands
Keyword(s):  
Research Note ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Short Term ◽  
National Front ◽  
Labour Government ◽  
Point Of Interest ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Attitudinal Characteristics ◽  
Bubble Burst

One point of interest about the period of the Labour government from October 1974 to May 1979 is the short-term surge and subsequent decline between these dates of electoral support for the National Front (NF). This episode of NF voting raises a number of questions. Some of these are simple empirical ones. What, for example, were the political origins, in terms of voting behaviour in the October 1974 general election, of this body of NF voters? What were their political destinations in May 1979? What characterized the various groups of voters who between 1974 and 1979 had different voting trajectories, all of which none the less included at least a period of support for the NF? This research note presents data on the numerical size of these different groups and it analyses some of their aggregate social and attitudinal characteristics.

Shaping their own Destiny

2020 ◽  
pp. 157-183
Author(s):  
Timothy Hellwig ◽  
Yesola Kweon ◽  
Jack Vowles
Keyword(s):  
Great Recession ◽  
Public Debt ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Environment ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Hard Times ◽  
Fiscal Austerity ◽  
Party Support ◽  
The Impact

Did the GFC and Great Recession reshape how voters choose among party policy offerings? In this chapter we show that, since 2008, electoral support for the mainstream parties on the centre-left and centre-right has waned, while challenger parties have grown. Multivariate analyses of election returns trace some of this shift in party support to the effects to the policies of austerity and to the accumulation of public debt. The ideological implications of the crisis era for support among the political mainstream are less apparent but a consideration of elite cues produces a ‘crisis effect’. This effect, however, is shaped by the policy environment. Voting for the mainstream left declines, especially in settings of fiscal austerity. Furthermore, the relative effects of these settings vary with time. Short-term fiscal efforts in the form of stimulus or austerity did much to sway voters during the shock years of 2008 and 2009. With time, however, the impact of these short-term efforts weakened. In the longer run, we find that policy rhetoric can prop up support for the left and for challengers during continued hard times.

scholarly journals Francuskie Zjednoczenie Narodowe – stara partia w nowej odsłonie

Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1(64)) ◽  
pp. 157-177
Author(s):  
Beata Kosowska-Gąstoł
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
21St Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Front ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Marine Le Pen

French National Rally – an Old Party in a New Version The changes in the French National Front in the second decade of the 21st century are generally associated with the advent of a new leader. In 2011, the then chairman Jean Marie Le Pen was replaced by his daughter Marine Le Pen. The reforms introduced by the new chairwoman, including a new party name – National Rally – are referred to as an attempt at dédiabolisation of the party, and they were expected to increase the party’s electoral support. The purpose of the article is to answer the questions about whether the change in party leadership caused profound ideological and programmatic transformation of the grouping or simply brought about changes in the image of the party and its leader. The article also examines the methods of political communication with voters, and whether we are still dealing with a niche and anti-establishment party or due to the reoccurring changes it has become part of the political mainstream.

Privatization, Share Ownership and Voting

1995 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Saunders
Keyword(s):  
Labour Party ◽  
Research Note ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Apparent Paradox ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
Share Ownership ◽  
Electoral Support

Popular support for the British government's privatization programme has never exceeded 40 per cent of the electorate, and by the end of the 1980s, huge public flotations of industries like water and the electricity suppliers and generators were taking place in the teeth of widespread popular opposition. The evidence on voting behaviour suggests, however, that it was the Labour party rather than the Conservatives which lost electoral support as a result of the privatization programme. This Research Note offers an explanation for this apparent paradox.

Women, the Vote, and the Party in the Politics of the Colombian National Front

1975 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 439-464
Author(s):  
Shirley Harkess ◽  
Patricia Pinzon de Lewin
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
National Front ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Inferior Status ◽  
Formal Basis ◽  
Colombian Women ◽  
The Right

Colombian women have only recently entered the political arena on a formal basis—they first exercised the right to vote in 1957. Their activity as voters, party workers, and public officials is a by-product of the National Front governing agreement to alternate Conservative and Liberal presidents and to maintain party parity in public office. Since the April 1974 election initiated the official demise of the National Front, we propose to examine the role of women in the political life of this period.Colombia is well suited for such a study. Appealing to women to exercise their voting rights, the principal political parties established internal organizations to mobilize their electoral support. Public discussion of the inferior status of women in Colombian society encouraged two of the three presidential candidates to orient themselves to women voters in the 1974 campaign. One candidate was a woman, while another promised reform of divorce and discriminatory laws.

How Second-Order Is the Regional Level? An Analysis of Tweets in Simultaneous Campaigns

2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 1021-1039
Author(s):  
Nicolas Bouteca ◽  
Evelien D’heer ◽  
Steven Lannoo
Keyword(s):  
Order Theory ◽  
Second Order ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
National Parliament ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Regional Elections

This article puts the second-order theory for regional elections to the test. Not by analysing voting behaviour but with the use of campaign data. The assumption that regional campaigns are overshadowed by national issues was verified by analysing the campaign tweets of Flemish politicians who ran for the regional or national parliament in the simultaneous elections of 2014. No proof was found for a hierarchy of electoral levels but politicians clearly mix up both levels in their tweets when elections coincide. The extent to which candidates mix up governmental levels can be explained by the incumbency past of the candidates, their regionalist ideology, and the political experience of the candidates.

Economic Origins of Electoral Support for Authoritarian Successors

2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 362-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Byong-Kuen Jhee
Keyword(s):  
Economic Performance ◽  
Economic Voting ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Knee Jerk ◽  
The Past ◽  
Electoral Support

This study explores how economic performance prior to democratic transitions affects the fate of successors to authoritarian rulers in new democracies. It investigates 70 founding election outcomes, finding that successful economic performance under an authoritarian regime increases the vote share of successors. It also finds that the past economic performance of authoritarian rulers decreases the likelihood of government alternation to democratic oppositions. Interim governments that initiate democratic transition, however, are neither blamed nor rewarded for economic conditions during transition periods. This study concludes that electorates are not myopic and that economic voting is not a knee-jerk reaction to short-term economic performance in new democracies.

Werkloze jongeren : links, rechts of apathisch? : Een onderzoek naar de invloed van werkloosheid op de politieke en maatschappelijke opvattingen van jongeren

Res Publica ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-94
Author(s):  
Hans De Witte
Keyword(s):  
Learned Helplessness ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Review Of The Literature ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Religious Attitudes ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Onderzoek Naar ◽  
Political Apathy ◽  
The Unemployed

Our review of the literature shows that only a minority of youngsters shifts to a more extreme (leftist or rightist) political position because of their experience with unemployment. Unemployment deepens the political apathy of the majority of the youngsters. Unemployment isolates youngsters, so they cannot develop any involvement in polities. The"learned-helplessness" experience of unemployment also contributes to their political apathy.In 1985, 536 employed and 220 unemployed were surveyed on their political, socio-economical and religious attitudes, and their voting behaviour. Because the majority of the respondents were militants of the Christian Labour Movement, we expected the unemployed to shift to the left, rather than to become politically apathetic. The results confirm this hypothesis : the unemployed described themselves as "center left", were more radical on socio-economical issues and favored a more leftist vote that the employed. Surprisingly, the unemployed were also more sceptical about religion and more permissive in sexual ethics.

scholarly journals Religious Engagement and the Migration Issue: Towards Reconciling Political and Moral Duty

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 236
Author(s):  
Joanna Kulska
Keyword(s):  
Ethical Issues ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Religious Engagement ◽  
The Face ◽  
Religious Actors

The increasingly acknowledged post-secular perspective has resulted in the emergence of some new approaches theorizing this phenomenon. One such approach has been the concept of religious engagement, which calls for the redefinition of the perception of religious non-state actors towards including them as important partners in the process of identifying and realizing political goals. According to this view, due to the multidimensional role played by religious communities and non-state religious actors, they need to be recognized as pivotal in creating a new form of knowledge generated through encounter and dialogue of the political decision-makers with these subjects. Among numerous others, the challenge of migration calls for enhanced debate referring to both political and ethical issues. When such a perspective is applied, the question is raised of the duties and limits of nation-states using more or less harsh political measures towards refugees and migrants based on the concept of security, but also short-term political goals. In the face of a state’s lack of will or capacity to deal with the problem of migration, the question of religion serving not only as the service-provider but also as the “trend-setter” with regard to fundamental ethical questions needs to be considered.

The Political Dynamics of Bureaucratic Turnover

2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 823-836 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl Dahlström ◽  
Mikael Holmgren
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Research Note ◽  
Political Control ◽  
The Political ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Selection Strategies ◽  
Screening Strategies ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
Unique Dataset

This Research Note explores the political dynamics of bureaucratic turnover. It argues that changes in a government’s policy objectives can shift both political screening strategies and bureaucratic selection strategies, which produces turnover of agency personnel. To buttress this conjecture, it analyzes a unique dataset tracing the careers of all agency heads in the Swedish executive bureaucracy between 1960 and 2014. It shows that, despite serving on fixed terms and with constitutionally protected decision-making powers, Swedish agency heads are considerably more likely to leave their posts following partisan shifts in government. The note concludes that, even in institutional systems seemingly designed to insulate bureaucratic expertise from political control, partisan politics can shape the composition of agency personnel.

scholarly journals Psephological Advancements and Pitfalls of Political Opinion Polls in India

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 258-274
Author(s):  
Praveen Rai
Keyword(s):  
Knowledge Production ◽  
Domain Knowledge ◽  
Political Socialization ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Crystal Ball ◽  
Deep Dive ◽  
Political Opinion ◽  
Opinion Polls

Abstract Political opinion polls in India are holistic snapshots in time that divulge deep dive information on electoral participation, ideological orientation and self-efficacy of the electorate and faith in core democratic values. The popularity of election surveys stems from the political socialization and crystal ball gazing curiosity of the citizens to foresee the outcomes of the hustings before the pronouncement of formal results. The opinion polls provide crucial data on voting behaviour and attitudes, testing theories of electoral politics and domain knowledge production. The obsession of the Indian media with political forecasting has shifted the focus from psephology to electoral prophecy, but it continues to furnish the best telescopic view of elections based on the feedback of the electorate. The ascertainment of subaltern opinion by surveys not only broadens the contours of understanding electoral democracy, but also provides an empirical alternative to elitist viewpoint of competitive politics in India.

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