Melting an Iceberg: The Struggle to Reform Communal Government in France

1972 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 501-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Mawhood

National stereotypes have an understandable attraction, but are often a snare and a delusion. There has been no lack of commentators, in recent years, to remind the French that their structures of local administration were laid down at the Revolution, and have been little changed since. Fragmented into nearly 38,000 urban and rural communes, which vary enormously in population and wealth, the country has more local authorities than the other five states of the EEC and Britain put together. Most people, on both sides of the Channel, accept the idea of reform, but we find something of a contrast when we look at what has happened in practice. President Pompidou said at Lyon on 31 October 1970:

2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-79
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Nikorowicz-Zatorska

Abstract The present paper focuses on spatial management regulations in order to carry out investment in the field of airport facilities. The construction, upgrades, and maintenance of airports falls within the area of responsibility of local authorities. This task poses a great challenge in terms of organisation and finances. On the one hand, an active airport is a municipal landmark and drives local economic, social and cultural development, and on the other, the scale of investment often exceeds the capabilities of local authorities. The immediate environment of the airport determines its final use and prosperity. The objective of the paper is to review legislation that affects airports and the surrounding communities. The process of urban planning in Lodz and surrounding areas will be presented as a background to the problem of land use management in the vicinity of the airport. This paper seeks to address the following questions: if and how airports have affected urban planning in Lodz, does the land use around the airport prevent the development of Lodz Airport, and how has the situation changed over the time? It can be assumed that as a result of lack of experience, land resources and size of investments on one hand and legislative dissonance and peculiar practices on the other, aviation infrastructure in Lodz is designed to meet temporary needs and is characterised by achieving short-term goals. Cyclical problems are solved in an intermittent manner and involve all the municipal resources, so there’s little left to secure long-term investments.


Author(s):  
Anatolii Petrovich Mykolaiets

It is noted that from the standpoint of sociology, “management — a function of organized systems of various nature — (technical, biological, social), which ensures the preservation of their structure, maintaining a certain state or transfer to another state, in accordance with the objective laws of the existence of this system, which implemented by a program or deliberately set aside”. Management is carried out through the influence of one subsystem-controlling, on the other-controlled, on the processes taking place in it with the help of information signals or administrative actions. It is proved that self-government allows all members of society or a separate association to fully express their will and interests, overcome alienation, effectively combat bureaucracy, and promote public self-realization of the individual. At the same time, wide direct participation in the management of insufficiently competent participants who are not responsible for their decisions, contradicts the social division of labor, reduces the effectiveness of management, complicates the rationalization of production. This can lead to the dominance of short-term interests over promising interests. Therefore, it is always important for society to find the optimal measure of a combination of self-management and professional management. It is determined that social representation acts, on the one hand, as the most important intermediary between the state and the population, the protection of social interests in a politically heterogeneous environment. On the other hand, it ensures the operation of a mechanism for correcting the political system, which makes it possible to correct previously adopted decisions in a legitimate way, without resorting to violence. It is proved that the system of social representation influences the most important political relations, promotes social integration, that is, the inclusion of various social groups and public associations in the political system. It is proposed to use the term “self-government” in relation to several levels of people’s association: the whole community — public self-government or self-government of the people, to individual regions or communities — local, to production management — production self-government. Traditionally, self-government is seen as an alternative to public administration. Ideology and practice of selfgovernment originate from the primitive, communal-tribal democracy. It is established that, in practice, centralization has become a “natural form of government”. In its pure form, centralization does not recognize the autonomy of places and even local life. It is characteristic of authoritarian regimes, but it is also widely used by democratic regimes, where they believe that political freedoms should be fixed only at the national level. It is determined that since the state has achieved certain sizes, it is impossible to abandon the admission of the existence of local authorities. Thus, deconcentration appears as one of the forms of centralization and as a cure for the excesses of the latter. Deconcentration assumes the presence of local bodies, which depend on the government functionally and in the order of subordination of their officials. The dependency of officials means that the leadership of local authorities is appointed by the central government and may be displaced.


1993 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Mouck

A Kuhnian perspective is used to explain the transition in financial reporting theory from an “economic income perspective” to an “informational perspective” (a transition that Beaver refers to as a “revolution”), and to examine the subsequent development of the latter. The demise of the economic income perspective (represented by the normative a priorists) is attributed to the lack of a paradigm which could serve to identify research problems and provide methodological guidance. The success of the informational paradigm, on the other hand, is attributed to the fact that it was, in essence, a sub-paradigm of the broader and well-established market economics paradigm. The study concludes, however, with a discussion of two types of persistent anomalous findings (the first with respect to the EMH and the second with respect to the CAPM) that have the potential to generate a crisis for the informational paradigm.


2002 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig A. Monson

Abstract Reexamination of a wide range of documents surrounding the twenty-second, twenty-fourth, and twenty-fifth sessions of the Council of Trent reveals that delegates strived officially to say as little as possible about music: only that secular or impure elements should be eliminated and that specific issues should be settled locally, by individual bishops and provincial synods. But, beginning with Gustave Reese, several scholars have misleadingly strung together a preliminary canon, stressing textual intelligibility, which was never approved in the general congregations, and the few lines that actually supplanted it, concerned only with the elimination of lasciviousness. On the other hand, a largely unrecognized or misunderstood attack on church polyphony did occur at the less familiar twenty-fifth session, when Gabriele Paleotti may have attempted to suppress elaborate music in female monasteries. Although this attempt was rejected in the general congregations, its restrictions were subsequently revived by local authorities such as Paleotti and Carlo Borromeo in their own dioceses. In the Council's immediate aftermath, reformers such as Paleotti and Borromeo once again focused on the issue of intelligibility, affording it a quasi-official status that seems to have quickly become widely accepted as “iuxta formam concilii.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 2019 ◽  
pp. 126-133
Author(s):  
Vlad-Cristian SOARE ◽  

"The fundamental transformations through the Romanian state passed since the Revolution of December 1989, have also put their mark on the legal system. For this reason, there have been major changes in the content of administrative law. However, the regulation of the territorial-administrative subdivisions survived the change of political regime, due to Law 2/1968. Moreover, regulations on administrative-territorial subdivisions are also found in Law 215/2001 and in the 1991 Constitution, revised in 2003. This has led to problems of interpretation. Thus, on the one hand, we need to identify who has the right to constitute administrative-territorial subdivisions, and on the other hand, it must be seen whether the answer to the first question, leads to a possible interpretation that would be unconstitutional. At the same time, administrative-territorial subdivisions have created problems of interpretation regarding their legal capacity. Through this article, we have proposed to look at the issues mentioned above."


2005 ◽  
Vol 127 (6) ◽  
pp. 1191-1197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yasuo Fujioka ◽  
Tomotsugu Sakai

Structures composed of a rotary disk and a shaft, which are fastened with bolts and nuts having tapered bearing surfaces, are loaded with a rotating-bending force. Upon investigation, two rotating mechanisms of the nut were derived. In one mechanism a high-pressure contact area is formed at the nearest loading point on threads and bearing surfaces. This leads to a difference in the curvature radii between the bearing surface of the disk and that of the nut. During the revolution of the disk, two friction torques occur in opposite directions on the bearing surface and the threads, respectively. The relative rotating direction of the nut is dominated by the greater torque. The other mechanism is due to the eccentricities caused by dimensional errors of the bolt, nut, and disk. By combining the two mechanisms, the rotations of the nuts either cause a loosening or tightening after many revolutions of the disk.


2013 ◽  
pp. 241-264
Author(s):  
Ignacio Del Valle Dávila

Resumo No final dos anos sessenta, ocorreu uma eclosão do cinema folclórico-histórico na Argentina e em Cuba. No primeiro caso, isso se deu principalmente devido ao interesse da ditadura de Onganía em utilizar os mitos fundadores da nação como uma metáfora legitimadora do regime. Contrários a essa tendência, o Grupo Cine Liberación elaborou representações desses relatos que buscavam adaptá-los à contingência, especialmente nos filmes La hora de los hornos (1968) e Los hijos del Fierro (1976). Em Cuba, o centenário da Guerra Grande (1868-1878) e a maior rigidez ideológica em matéria cultural durante o Quinquênio Gris (1971-1976) levaram a que se fomentasse a produção de um cinema histórico que representava a Revolução de 1959 como o produto de um século de luta. Os cineastas cubanos e Cine Liberación coincidiram em sua busca por renovar a forma de representação cinematográfica da História, enquanto o cinema comercial argentino apostou em adaptações distantes desse revisionismo. Résumé À la fin des années soixante s’est produit en Argentine et Cuba une éclosion du cinéma folklorique-historique. Dans le premier cas, ceci est dû principalement à l’intérêt de la dictature d’Onganía à se servir des mythes fondateurs de la nation avec l’objectif d’élaborer des métaphores légitimatrices du régime. Face à cela, Grupo Cine Liberación a élaboré des représentations de ces récits tout en cherchant à les adapter à la contingence, notamment dans les films L’heure des brasiers (1968) et Les fils de Fierro (1976). À Cuba le centenaire de la Guerre des dix ans (1968-1878) ainsi qu’une plus grande rigidité idéologique dans le domaine culturel pendant le Quinquennat Gris (1971-1976), ont conduit à l’encouragement de la production d’un cinéma historique où la révolution de 1959 est représentée comme la conclusion d’un siècle de lutte. Les cinéastes cubains et Cine Liberación ont partagé leur intérêt de renouveler les représentations cinématographiques de l’Histoire, tandis que le cinéma commercial argentin a misé sur des adaptations éloignées du révisionnisme.Abstract At the end of the sixties, there was a growth of historical-folkloric cinema in Argentina and Cuba. In the first case, it happened mainly because of the interest of the Onganía’s dictatorship in making use of the nation’s founding myths to develop metaphors to legitimize this regime. On the other hand, Grupo Cine Liberación elaborated representations of these narratives trying to adapt them to the contingency, especially in the movies The hour of the furnaces (1968) and Los hijos del Fierro (1976). In Cuba, the centenary of the War of ten years (1868-1878), as well as an increase of ideological rigidity in the cultural domain during the Grey Quinquennium (1971-1976), encouraged the production of a historical cinema where the revolution of 1959 has been represented as the conclusion of a century of struggle. Cuban filmmakers and Cine Liberación shared their interest in renewing the filmic representations of History, whereas the Argentinean commercial cinema supported adaptations far from this revisionism.Palavras-chave Cinema histórico, legitimação, mitos nacionais Mots-clés Cinéma historique, légitimation, mythes nationauxKeywords Historical cinema, legitimization, national myths 


1962 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. M. Nienaber

IThe facts of the recent House of Lords decision, White and Carter (Councils), Ltd. v. McGregor, were so simple and have been canvassed so thoroughly as to be now practically a matter of common knowledge. The appellants' business consisted in the placing of advertisements, for a fee, on litter bins which were then distributed to various local authorities. They agreed to run the respondents' advertisement for a period of three years. The respondents repudiated on the ground that their sales manager who had concluded the contract had no authority to do so. The appellants refused to accept the repudiation and duly displayed the advertisements for the entire period, bringing at the proper time a suit for the full amount owing under the contract. The pertinent question was: were the appellants entitled to dismiss the repudiation and give effect to the contract on their side in order to secure performance on the other side; or rather were they obliged to adopt the repudiation as the end of the contract and the beginning of a suit for damages subject to mitigation? The latter view prevailed in all but the House of Lords where a majority of three to two preferred the former.In coming to this conclusion the House of Lords in effect overruled an earlier decision, viz., Langford and Co., Ltd. v. Dutch, the facts of which were virtually on all fours with those of the present case. In Langford's case the appellant was unsuccessful in recovering the contract price for exhibiting an advertisement film which he persisted in showing despite the respondent's repudiation of the contract.


Author(s):  
José Ignacio CUBERO MARCOS

LABURPENA: Lan honetan Espainiako Gobernuak harturiko neurriek eragiten duten efektuak aztertzen dira ikuspegi juridikotik, toki autonomia garatu eta egikaritzean. Horrela zera analizatu da: zerbitzuen liberalizazioa aitortzen duten arauak, hornitzaileek eta kontratistek Toki Administrazioarekin duten zorrak ordaintzeko betebeharreko neurriak eta, azkenik, zein arazo eta auzi ekar lezakeen gastu publikoa murrizteak derrigorrezko zerbitzuak ematean eta auzotarren bizimoduetan eta haien eskubidea gai publikoetan parte hartzeko. Galdera komuna arazo horietan guztietan hauxe da: krisialdiari aurre egiteko neurriek toki autonomiari lotutako eskumen eremua murrizten dute? RESUMEN: En este trabajo se abordan las consecuencias que, desde una perspectiva jurídica, pueden producir en el desarrollo y ejercicio de la autonomía local algunas medidas adoptadas por el Gobierno español. Así, se han analizado las normas que amparan la liberalización de los servicios, las medidas que imponen el pago de las deudas contraídas por proveedores y contratistas con la Administración Local y, por último, los problemas que la contención del gasto puede ocasionar a la prestación de servicios obligatorios por parte de la Administración y su repercusión en la vida diaria de los vecinos y en su derecho a participar en los asuntos públicos. La pregunta común en todos ellos es la siguiente: ¿las medidas propuestas contra la crisis reducen el ámbito competencial propio de la autonomía local? ABSTRACT: In this article the consequences of the measures adopted by the Spanish Government are analyzed, from a legal perspective, in order to exercise and development the local autonomy principle. In that sense, it is examined rules that have recognized services liberalization, measures that impose the payment that Local Administration must carry out to contractors and providers. Finally, problems and controversies relative to the provision of obligatory services will be exposed, when authorities have decided to reduce public expenditure, and their effects in the citizens´ current life and their rights to decide in public affairs. The frequent question is the following one: Do the measures proposed against crisis limit therange of the local authorities’ competence?


2021 ◽  
pp. 109-126
Author(s):  
António Tomás

By the time the anticolonial war started in Guinea-Bissau, in terms of counterinsurgency doctrine Cabral could choose from two major theories. On the one hand, the theory of movement, proposed by the likes of Mao, that involved the massive participation of the peasantry. On the other, the foco theory, espoused by Che Guevara and experimented in the Cuban revolution, that consisted of the incursion in a given territory of a small group of revolutionaries with the mission to start the uprising. The revolution in Guinea is the mix between the two. It counted on the one hand with a significant adherence of the Guinean peasantry, but the party’s leadership was in the hand of a handful of cadres, most of them from Cape Verde.


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