La décision de construire le tracé hydro-électrique Chénier-Châteauguay: une analyse cybernétique

1981 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-307
Author(s):  
Réjean Landry

The cybernetic approach used here rests on the concept of the feedback loop. In contrast to the classical models of political science, the perspective adopted here is not oriented toward the construction of a taxonomy, but toward a more advanced formulation of interaction among the elements of a given system. The analysis develops around eight main principal problems: location; information-consultation; institutional constraints; ecology; agriculture; the economy; health; and the controlling agency. Each of these problems is treated as a sub-system of a model which constitutes a simplified replica of the problems which the participants confronted.The major empirical results of this research are as follows: (1) as expected, the various actors did not pursue the same kinds of regulations; (2) contrary to what one might have expected, the perception of the position of Hydro-Quebec articulated by the groups which contested the project did not question the desired impacts of the state agency; (3) contrary to what one might have anticipated, the contesting groups anticipated effects which were opposite to those expected by Hydro for most of the options considered in the analysis; (4) contrary to an intuitive expectation, the conflict of perceptions between Hydro and the opposition groups did not reach maximum intensity on environmental questions; (5) the positions advanced by the opposing groups did not differ radically from positions taken by Hydro—again contrary to expectations; (6) the interconnections of sub-systems may lead to undesirable consequences, contrary to those one might have anticipated intuitively; (7) the behaviour of the global system is less dependent upon the regulation of sub-systems than upon the network of connections among the sub-systems.

2021 ◽  
pp. 226-243
Author(s):  
Jeroen de Ridder

In deep disagreements, parties disagree about relatively fundamental underlying moral or epistemic principles and therefore see each other as less than fully rational or morally subpar. The chapter argues that deep disagreements lead to both cognitive and practical polarization, especially when they concern matters that are central to people’s social identities: deeply disagreeing parties will think less of each other and tend to treat each other worse. This, in turn, entrenches their disagreement even further, resulting in a vicious feedback loop. Support for the claims made here comes from both conceptual connections between deep disagreement and polarization as well as widely established empirical results in psychology and political science.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 793-802 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence R. Jacobs ◽  
Desmond S. King

President Obama's record stands out among modern presidents because of the wide range between his accomplishments and the boldness of his as-yet unfulfilled promises. Obamaism is a complex phenomenon, with multiple themes and policy ends. In this paper we examine the administration's initiatives drawing upon recent scholarship in political science to consider the political, economic and institutional constraints that Obama has faced and to assess how he has faced them. Our key theme is the importance of integrating the study of presidency and public leadership with the study of the political economy of the state. The paper argues against personalistic accounts of the Obama presidency in favor of a structured agency approach.


Author(s):  
Magnus Rom Jensen ◽  
Jonathon W. Moses
Keyword(s):  

1981 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 19-20
Author(s):  
Mary H. Waite

Because many political science instructors come from another region or state; they feel insufficiently informed in teaching about the state and local government wherein they presently reside. Consequently, instructors generalize about these governments. Yet in many public universities and community colleges, students find the politics in their area pertinent and care less for comparative analysis. In truth, the students probably have a valid point, since the majority will reside in the state where they are attending college.


2002 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark A. Burgman

Despite the fact that the most changes in lists of threatened species reflect changes in knowledge rather than changes in conservation status, the lists continue to provide social and legal mandates for conservation; they are used to report on the state of the environment and to guide the allocation of scarce resources. There is a substantial under-representation of non-vascular species in threatened plant lists, reflected in an absence of documented extinctions among fungi and algae. Turnover in the composition of extinct flora lists in Australia suggests that the lists of threatened species may not be sufficiently reliable to form the basis for reporting on the state of the environment. They are of limited use in distinguishing between levels of threat and may not be a reliable guide for the allocation of scarce conservation resources among plant species. Systems for listing threatened species create a feedback loop, responsive to the subjective preferences of scientists, largely unresponsive to underlying true threats, self-perpetuating and accentuating bias with each iteration. Other tools, including formal decision approaches and the acquisition of new kinds of data, are needed to fill the roles.


1981 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Smith

With the widespread usage of systems analysis in political science over the last twenty years it is axiomatic that the problem of adaptation has been a recurring theme in the literature. At the level of the individual political system this concern has been germane to the work of Easton, the structural functionalists and the developmental/modernization writers. In International Politics writing, the problem of adaptation is central to both the applications of systems theory, at whatever level of analysis (for example Kaplan, Rosecrance at the systemic level, and Hanrieder and Modelski at the state level) and the less overtly theoretical works which still emphasize the importance of a state adapting to its environment.


2001 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 4-8
Author(s):  
Andrea Theocharis ◽  
Marcus Graetsch

We all study political science, but - what do we actually do here anyway? This essay expresses our thoughts about our subject. The everyday life in University doesn’t seem to give enough space for questioning what is this all about. Maybe a debate on that issue does not exist extensively because of fears of the loss of entitlement. The aim of this essay is to support the heightening of student’s awareness about the status quo of research and teaching in political science as we can judge it from our modest experiences. Trying to get to the basis of such a problem is not easy. The things here written are surely not the state of the art, but they could shine a better light on the problem what had been called the 'politics of political science' in an earlier Internet discussion on the IAPSS website. This paper should be understood as a start for a discussion, where we all can express our surely different experiences and ideas.


Sociologija ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-95
Author(s):  
Smiljana Milinkov ◽  
Dinko Gruhonjic

The paper problematizes the presence of political clientelism in the media in the Republic of Serbia. The aim of this research is to point out the examples of establishing mechanisms of clientelistic practice in the media, using the News agency Tanjug as an example. Three analytical categories, which are relevant for perceiving the problem of clientelism, have been included: regulatory framework, financial allocations from the state budget and the reporting of the news agency Tanjug. The results of the research show that the illegal functioning, the unsolved ownership issue, non-transparent financing and unprofessional reporting are characteristics of the media work of Tanjug agency. According to the law, the former state agency was scheduled to stop work by the end of 2015. However, Tanjug still, with unclear legal status and significant financial help from the state, publishes information, some of which were proven to be disinformation. The analysis of examples of unobjective and unprofessional reporting points out to the ignoring of public interest, in order to satisfy the particular interest of the governing political structure, which financially makes Tanjug?s functioning possible, in an illegal manner. This case represents a closed circle of interrelationships on the relation politics-economy-media, through which clientelism is defined, using quid pro quo practice.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 348-373
Author(s):  
Vitalii E. Boldyrev ◽  

The article proposes a new understanding of the phenomenon of security as the desire of the state to achieve the most favourable trajectory of development under existing constraints. The concept of a favourable trajectory depends on objective factors and its subjective interpretations that are fixed in strategies and programs. In order to make these interpretations systematic and form a holistic model consisting of them, a new algorithm for strategical and program documents has been developed. According to the algorithm, every priority should be marked by code (or its combination) which corresponds to one of the subsystems of the global system and its component to create a database. The analysis of the database makes it possible to isolate problems whose relevance was artificially overestimated prior to elections, to forecast the directions of sequestration of their priorities, to determine the degree of continuity, to rank areas of the policy, to identify probable interconnections among them and to predict the foundations of a promising strategy. In regard to Biden’s program, the algorithm made it possible to achieve the following results. It was revealed that the program is more a succession to Trump’s strategy than innovative. The priority of the economic, social and financial spheres was artificially overestimated and the degree of their importance will be reduced after Biden’s inauguration. Economic, energy and legal spheres will be the cornerstones of Biden’s future strategy. Cyber, raw materials and technological subsystems will be assigned the role of drivers of development. Their successful functioning will be dependent on the dynamics of the military and agricultural sectors. In turn, demographic, trade, financial and credit, civil, humanitarian and cultural subsystems will acquire a more subordinate position and their role will be determined by the solution of specific issues. At the same time, it is difficult to determine the concrete positions and roles of future social and ecological policies because they had been overdeveloped or unclearly prioritized in the electoral program.


Author(s):  
M K Ingle

The Bill of Rights contained within South Africa’s Constitution features a number of ‘socio- economic rights’. Although these rights are justiciable they are subject to various limitations. They generally entail a positive onus on the part of the state to provide some good – not immediately, but ‘progressively’. Women have a direct interest in the realization of these rights and, where given effect to, they should exert a positive developmental impact. Some authorities are, however, of the opinion that socio-economic rights are not really enforceable. This article contends that the provision of social goods, by the state, should be the concomitant of the disciplined implementation of policy. Delivery should not therefore be contingent upon the legalistic vagaries of the human rights environment.Keywords: Socio-economic rights; justiciability; Bill of Rights; development; South African Constitution; womenDisciplines: Development Studies;Human Rights; Gender Studies; Political Science


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