Deep Federalism: Respecting Community Difference in National Policy

2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 481-506 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Leo

Abstract. The literatures of both federalism and urban politics conclude that economic, technological and political changes on a global scale have produced limitations on the capacities of national governments, while enhancing the economic and political importance of urban-centred regions. A practical implication is that cities have become central to the study of federalism. This article attempts a synthesis of what we can learn from the federalism and urban politics literatures about the governance of cities in the twenty-first century. It considers the argument in favour of charter cities, as well as the advocacy of a stronger central government to preserve the social safety net, and concludes that both positions are premised on a traditional, hierarchical view of intergovernmental relations, a view that is out of keeping with the exigencies of a borderless world. Instead, it poses the following question: How can we have policies that are truly national and yet fully take into account the very significant differences among regions and communities? The article draws on recent research on the impact of federal policies regarding homelessness and immigration in Vancouver, Winnipeg and Saint John, as well as other research, to consider whether the federal government is doing the best it can to preserve national standards while respecting community difference. It concludes by defining three policy models that show varying degrees of promise in achieving that objective.Résumé. Les recherches courantes sur le fédéralisme et sur la politique urbaine avancent que les changements économiques, technologiques et politiques qui se produisent à l'échelle mondiale affaiblissent les capacités des gouvernements nationaux tout en renforçant l'importance économique et politique des centres urbains. Il en découle, sur le plan pratique, que les centres urbains sont devenus un sujet essentiel de l'étude du fédéralisme. Le présent article tente de faire une synthèse de ce que les recherches sur le fédéralisme et la politique urbaine peuvent nous enseigner sur la gouvernance des villes au 21e siècle. Après avoir examiné l'argument en faveur des villes à charte et celui qui préconise un renforcement du gouvernement central pour préserver le filet de sécurité sociale, l'article conclut que les deux arguments sont fondés sur une conception traditionnelle et hiérarchique des relations intergouvernementales, et que cette conception ne répond plus aux exigences d'un monde sans frontières. Puis, il pose la question suivante : comment peut-on formuler des politiques qui soient véritablement nationales et qui, en même temps, tiennent compte des différences importantes entre les régions et les communautés? S'inspirant principalement d'une enquête récente sur le retentissement des politiques fédérales sur les problèmes des sans-abri et de l'immigration à Vancouver, à Winnipeg et à Saint-Jean N.-B., l'article examine dans quelle mesure le gouvernement fédéral s'efforce de sauvegarder des normes nationales tout en respectant les différences régionales. En conclusion, il propose trois modèles politiques qui seraient susceptibles, à des degrés divers, d'atteindre cet objectif.

2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xuemei Han ◽  
Ci Hu ◽  
Ling Lin

Based on the IPAT model, this study selects the two-order lag period that is then applied to the dynamic model created to explore the impact of China’s urbanization on the quantity of municipal solid waste (MSW) produced. The study uses panel data collected from 27 provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities in China that report directly to the central government. Results show that nationwide urbanization and urban per capita disposable income are positively correlated with the quantity of MSW produced. However, specifically, urbanization in the eastern and midwestern areas of China is insignificantly correlated with the quantity of MSW produced. It is, therefore, recommended that citizens should make sensible and environmental consumption decisions based on per capita disposable income. It is also suggested that quality development and Stead’s urbanization plan should become national policy, and that MSW categorization and a recycling policy should be implemented to treat MSW effectively.


1983 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 419-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Skelcher ◽  
Bob Hinnings ◽  
Steve Leach ◽  
Stewart Ranson

AbstractThis paper examines policy planning systems in British central-local government relations, and in particular the formal, structured relationship in the local transport policy sector, as a means of exploring the impact in intergovernmental relations of the form of linkage between institutions. This impact is analysed in terms of central government's ability to use the planning system to promote policy processes and promote and regulate policy content in the locality. The use of specific and block grants by central government as a potential instrument of control in relation to policy planning systems is discussed. An examination of limiting cases reveals the importance of local resources in minimising central government influence through the policy planning system, and suggests that institutions will seek to restructure the form of linkage or underlying resources when they see themselves loosing advantage to others.


2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292110536
Author(s):  
Soonae Park ◽  
Don S. Lee

Scholars have debated the question of what influences bureaucrats’ policy implementation in provincial government, some taking the top-down and some the bottom-up approaches. However, less well understood in this debate is the impact of governors’ characteristics, particularly at a time of national political crisis. Given that their roles have been proven important for the performance of provincial governments, this is a significant oversight. To fill this gap, we examine the effect of governors’ political characteristics on provincial bureaucrats’ responses to the center by leveraging a unique setting, that of presidential impeachment in South Korea. Using original survey data on 655 civil servants from all 17 provincial governments, gathered as part of a representative survey, we find that bureaucrats are less responsive to the central government after impeachment. Our results show that this difference between pre- and post-impeachment is driven by several political characteristics, such as governors’ political ideology and tenure in office. Our findings have implications for the role of governors in intergovernmental relations and the management of provincial governments’ performance.


IMP Journal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Waluszewski ◽  
Enrico Baraldi ◽  
Andrea Perna

Purpose Contemporary innovation policy investments rests on the assumption that the main problematic interface is the one between the non-business developing setting and a rather friction-free producer and user setting. Given a business landscape characterized by interdependencies, any innovation attempt will be faced with complex interfaces also within and among all these settings. The purpose of this paper is to shed light over this issue through the investigation of the interface between policy and a specific innovation journey. The attention is directed to the creation and distribution of social-material values; and the translation of these values into a monetary dimension. Design/methodology/approach To fulfill this aim the authors utilize an empirical study on the commercialization of university research results in the field of solar power technology, based on the ARA model as a conceptual and methodological foundation, with a focus on the establishment of resource combinations, activity links and actor bonds in the involved developing, producing and using settings. In order to pin-point the creation of social-material values and the establishment of a monetary dimension the authors used a model adapted from Håkansson and Olsen (2015). Findings From a national policy perspective, the transnational nature of innovation processes and the connectedness of resources across different, often far-away places, entail a loss of control on the social-material and monetary benefits of innovation; even more so if the policy of one country stands against that of another country. Still, not only policy but also representatives for academic research and business seem to consider the transnational aspect as an exception. Research limitations/implications Due to that the embedding in the user setting did not occur as expected; with the Swedish focal firm as main interface, but from a Chinese firm that the authors did not have access to, the main focus is on the developing and the producing setting, while the embedding in the user setting is covered through indirect information. Practical implications The role that established production structures have for the embedding of innovations into producing and using settings seems to be neglected in policy circles – although these have a strong impact on the creation of social-material value and a monetary flow. Social implications See practical implication. Originality/value The paper underlines the impact of interfaces with established production structures for the creation of social-material value and monetary flow – and for transnational dimension of the innovation journey.


2019 ◽  
pp. 21-38
Author(s):  
Alexander N. Deryugin ◽  
Ilya A. Sokolov

The paper analyzes the impact of the “model budget” on the problems of intergovernmental relations in the Russian Federation: a high proportion of expenditure obligations of regional and local budgets and a high degree of interregional inequality in fiscal capacity and socio-economic development. It was concluded that the planned broader use of the “model budget” will not solve the problem of unfunded mandates and will lead first to a significant reduction in incentives for regional authorities to develop the territorial revenue base, and then to economic slowdown in the country. As an alternative approach to improving intergovernmental relations, options are being considered for adjusting the parameters of the equalization transfers distribution formula, the procedure for determining their total volume and calculating the budget expenditure index. In solving the problem of unfunded mandates, an equally important role is given to the procedure for preparing a financial and economic rationale for draft laws.


2012 ◽  
pp. 63-87
Author(s):  
Anh Mai Ngoc ◽  
Ha Do Thi Hai ◽  
Huyen Nguyen Thi Ngoc

This study uses descriptive statistical method to analyze the income and life qual- ity of 397 farmer households who are suffering social exclusion in an economic aspect out of a total of 725 households surveyed in five Northern provinces of Vietnam in 2010. The farmers’ opinions of the impact of the policies currently prac- ticed by the central government and local authorities to give them access to the labor market are also analyzed in this study to help management officers see how the poli- cies affect the beneficiaries so that they can later make appropriate adjustments.


Asian Survey ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 60 (5) ◽  
pp. 978-1003
Author(s):  
Jacqueline Chen Chen ◽  
Jun Xiang

Existing studies of the impact of economic development on political trust in China have two major gaps: they fail to explain how economic development contributes to the hierarchical trust pattern, and they do not pay enough attention to the underlying mechanisms. In light of cultural theory and political control theory, we propose adapting performance theory into a theory of “asymmetrical attribution of performance” to better illuminate the case of China. This adapted theory leads to dual pathway theses: expectation fulfillment and local blaming. Using a multilevel mediation model, we show that expectation fulfillment mainly upholds trust in the central government, whereas local blaming undermines trust in local governments. We also uncover a rural–urban distinction in the dual pathway, revealing that both theses are more salient among rural Chinese.


2019 ◽  
pp. 33-41
Author(s):  
V. L. Harutyunyan ◽  
S. V. Dokholyan ◽  
A. R. Makaryan

The presented study discusses the issues of applying the Common Customs Tariff (CCT) rates of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) on rough diamonds and the impact thereof on the exports of stones cut and polished inArmeniaand then exported toRussia.Aim. The study aims to identify the possible strategies Armenian diamond cutting and polishing companies could adopt as a response to the application of the CCT rates on rough diamonds and how it would affect exports to various destinations, namely to Russia.Tasks. The authors analyze the current state of the gems and jewelry sector and substantiate the need to either integrate it into the jewelry manufacturing sector or to apply various strategies to facilitate exports to either Russia or other destinations in the medium term in response to the application of the CCT rates.Methods. This study uses general scientific methods of cognition, including analytical and methodological approaches and elements of forecasting. Possible strategies the Armenian diamond cutting and polishing companies could adopt in the medium term in response to the application of the EAEU CCT rates are determined using the analytical research method, forecasts in the context of the developments in the Armenian gem processing and jewelry market and global trends, statistical data on the imports and exports of cut and polished gems and jewelry for 2014–2018 published by the UN Comtrade Statistics.Results. Statistics on the exports of processed diamonds from 2014 to 2018 highlights the issue associated with the loss of competitiveness suffered by Armenian companies (mainly in comparison with Indian diamond cutters). The major global trends in the diamond cutting and polishing business indicate that it could be virtually impossible for Armenian cutters and polishers to compete with Indian companies in the medium term if they do not comes to investing in new technology to achieve operational efficiency. For these companies, it is important not to lose the Russian market due to an increase in the tariff rate and concentrate on the processing of gems that are larger than 1 carat. Another strategy to avoid an increase in the customs tariff rates would depend on the Armenian government’s ability to negotiate with Russia in respect of direct imports of diamond stones from Russian manufactures. Two other options for Armenian cutters involve focusing on cutting and polishing of rubies, sapphires, emeralds, etc. or integrating into the jewelry sector either by being the primary supplier or by considering this business as a channel to sell processed diamond stones by setting up their own jewelry manufacturing companies.Conclusions. With CCT going into effect in January 2021 and India’s dominant role in the diamond cutting and polishing business, Armenia needs to carefully consider all of the strategies the Armenian companies could adopt, as discussed above. As a member state of the EAEU, Armenia freely exports to Russia, however, further exports to Russia would depend on Armenia’s ability to ensure that cost-effective operations are in place, or to concentrate on the processing of precious gems rather than diamonds, or to switch to the manufacturing of jewelry items as a major export item.Practical Implication. The findings of this study could be of interest to the Ministry of Economy of the Republic of Armenia and Business Armenia that could be used in elaborating the strategy for the development of Armenian gems and jewelry sector of the economy.


Author(s):  
R.V. Vaidyanatha Ayyar

This chapter outlines the exceptional composition of the landmark Kothari Commission, and its blend of idealism and realism. It offers a succinct account of the recommendations of the Kothari Commission, and the ferocious opposition to its recommendations regarding elementary and higher education, language policy, and the establishment of world class universities. It presents a candid critique of its recommendation that has become a hardy perennial of Indian educational discourse, namely that Government allocate at least 6 per cent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) to education. It gives a crisp account of Independent India’s first National Policy on Education (1968). It also outlines the Constitutional Amendment of 1978 which made education a ‘concurrent subject’, and the educational initiatives of the short lived Janata Government (1976–8), India’s first non-Congress Party Central Government. It also outlines the key role played by J.P Naik in the Kothari Commission and Janata Government and evolution of his thinking.


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