The King's Peace

1981 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. L. Cawkwell
Keyword(s):  

Nothing about Xenophon's Hellenica is more outrageous than his treatment of the relations of Persia and the Greeks. It was orthodoxy in the circle of Agesilaus that Theban medizing, barbarismos, had sabotaged the plans for a glorious anabasis (IV. ii. 3, V. ii. 35, III. v. 1 f.) and recalled him to the defence of his city (by the very route, ironically, taken by King Xerxes in 480 — IV. ii. 8 — the would-be avenger in the footsteps of the would-be enslaver). Not until the Thebans woo and win the fickle favour of the King (VII. i. 33 ff.), does anything like detail emerge. In the regrettable interlude, the less said the better. If the third speech of Andocides had not survived, there would have been some tangled theorizing about a note in Didymus (FGrH 328f 149), especially as regards ‘the ambassadors who in Sparta consented’, but sober historical judgement would never have transgressed so far from the text of Xenophon as to postulate a Peace Congress in Sparta as well as in Sardis in 392. Likewise, the merest chance of epigraphic survival assures us that the oaths, which the ‘Athenians and the Spartans and the other Greeks’ swore in 387/6, ‘the King swore’ (G.H.I. 118 lines 10 f.) — and so on. If we did not have the reflection of Ephorus in Diodorus, albeit a mirror cracked and blemished, we would be sadly astray in 375 and 371. When, however, the despicable Thebans become the King's favoured power, disgraceful scenes unfold. ‘Pelopidas very much had things his own way with the Persian; he could say that the Thebans alone of the Greeks had fought on the King's side at Plataea, that they had never afterwards campaigned against him, that the Spartans were at war with them because they would not join Agesilaus…etc.’ (VII. i. 34). A Persian is found at Thebes reading out the contents of a Royal Rescript, after displaying the Royal seal (ibid. §39); at Sparta twenty years before, such details had been left to the imagination.The cause of Xenophon's method in this matter is not for the moment under discussion, but rather the consequence, viz. our uncertainty about what precisely the King's Peace said. There was a document, inscribed on stone pillars and displayed in the national shrines (Isoc. IV. 180, XII. 107). If ever a copy turns up, what can we expect to find? The measure of our uncertainty was provided by Wilcken, who produced a curious hypothesis which found little sympathy; that he could do so shows the state of the evidence. Some effort of the imagination is needed, and those who gravely disapprove of conjectures of what might have been the case need read no further. At the end one can be sure of very little. Conjectures, however, have been uttered, en passant, elsewhere. What may prove to be a chorus of disdain has begun. A formal confession may be welcome.

2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 589-599 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grace Davie

This article places the British material on religion and social policy in a comparative perspective. In order to do so, it introduces a recently completed project on welfare and religion in eight European societies, entitled ‘Welfare and Religion in a European Perspective’. Theoretically it draws on the work of two key thinkers: Gøsta Esping-Andersen and David Martin. The third section elaborates the argument: all West European societies are faced with the same dilemmas regarding the provision of welfare and all of them are considering alternatives to the state for the effective delivery of services. These alternatives include the churches.


Author(s):  
du Plessis Jacques

This commentary focuses on Article 3.2.14 of the UNIDROIT Principles of International Commercial Contracts (PICC) concerning the retroactive effect of avoidance of a contract. Under Art 3.2.14, avoidance takes effect retroactively; that is, the contract is regarded as never having existed, and not merely as non-existent from the moment of avoidance. Unfulfilled obligations fall away and performances made in fulfilment of obligations have to be returned, according to Art 3.2.15. However, this is only a general proposition. Where avoidance only relates to certain terms of the contract, the other terms, whether fulfilled or unfulfilled, are left undisturbed, unless it would be unreasonable to do so. This commentary discusses the effect of retroactive avoidance in general, as well as its effect on contractual obligations, including unfulfilled and unaffected obligations and fulfilled obligations.


1937 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 778-786
Author(s):  
R. Ariano

Abstract The results of tests of the brittleness of ebonite are described. Resilience is influenced chiefly by the moment of inertia of the cross section of the test-specimen, but it seems also to be affected by the form of the specimen. The state of vulcanization has considerable influence on these mechanical properties within the undercured range, but with thorough vulcanization the state of cure plays no appreciable part. Notching of test-specimens is not of great importance. It diminishes the resilience, but when the tests are compared on a basis of equal moments of inertia of the resistant cross sections, this diminution becomes inappreciable in the case of brittle ebonites. On the other hand, the shape of the notch in ebonites containing no loading ingredients does influence the resilience. With V-shaped notches, the depth of the notch and its angle of aperture influence considerably the resilience of this latter type of ebonite, and notches of minimum depth are sufficient to have an appreciable effect.


2006 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 109-130
Author(s):  
Annette Aronowicz

AbstractThis essay examines the contrast between two conceptions of the universal, one represented by the modern State and the other by the Jewish people. In order to do so, it returns to the collection of essays on Judaism Levinas wrote in the approximately two decades after the Second World War, Difficult Freedom. Its aim is to focus specifically on the political dimension within this collection and then to step back and reflect on how his way of speaking of the political appears to us a full generation later. As is well known, Levinas's approach to the political has a way of escaping that realm, while nonetheless remaining relevant to it. This is what we shall try to capture and to evaluate.


1981 ◽  
Vol 75 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burns H. Weston

In a parable drawn from The Trial, Franz Kafka once etched the following chilling profile: Before the Law stands a doorkeeper on guard. To this doorkeeper there comes a man from the country who begs for admittance to the Law. But the doorkeeper says that he cannot admit the man at the moment. The man, on reflection, asks if he will be allowed, then, to enter later. “It is possible,” answers the doorkeeper, “but not at this moment.” Since the door leading into the Law stands open as usual and the doorkeeper steps to one side, the man bends down to peer through the entrance. When the doorkeeper sees that, he laughs and says: “If you are so strongly tempted, try to get in without my permission. But note that I am powerful. And I am only the lowest doorkeeper. From hall to hall keepers stand at every door, one more powerful than the other. Even the third of these has an aspect that even I cannot bear to look at.” These are difficulties which the man from the country had not expected to meet; the Law, he thinks, should be accessible to every man at all times….


1963 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-130
Author(s):  
R. Sri Pathmanathan

Having been associated with a recent production of Euripides' Cyclops in the original Greek at Ibadan, I feel prompted to reply to Peter Arnott's charges against Euripides' adaptation of the well-known episode in Homer's Odyssey, ix. We know very little about the origin and nature of satyric drama, and it seems unfair to discuss the structure of the Cyclops on a priori grounds or to compare it with the form of Greek tragedy. We do not subject Old Comedy to this kind of treatment because we are aware in this case of the dissimilar elements which came together to produce the disjointed articulation that Old Comedy displays. It may well be that ‘the pattern of decline’ in the composition of the choruses and episodes noted by Arnott is not the result of hasty composition and overwork but is merely indicative of a looser structure allowed by the conventions of the satyr play. On the other hand, the intervention of the chorus in the Cyclops is always eminently dramatic— not too long-drawn-out or too brief—and gives a life and impetus to the play which modern audiences, unfamiliar with the choral tradition of Greek tragedy, miss in more regularly constructed plays. The ‘miserable couplet’ which serves as exodos is not unparalleled even in tragedy, although the iambics in place of the more usual anapaests are certainly unexpected. In general, the choral odes are admirably suited to the grotesque personalities of the satyrs; they include two haunting lyrics, lines 495–502 and 511–18 (unfortunately somewhat mutilated) which rank in rhythm and imagery with some of the best of Euripides, and at the moment of greatest tension, in the third and fourth stasima, are commendably brief and onomatopoeic.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 195-200
Author(s):  
Fyodor A. Gayda

 The article is devoted to conservative projects of reforming the State Duma, which was established in Russia in 1906. Those projects can be divided into two groups. Some projects were proposed by Russian nationalists (M.O. Menshikov, I.P. Balashov), who supported Stolypin and claimed to be one of the two main forces of the parliamentary majority. Nationalists sought to preserve the legislative powers of the Duma and stressed that the reform was supposed to strengthen parliamentarism. The projects of the nationalists proposed only partial adjustments to the parliamentary system, but still changing the Basic State Laws (in other words the coup d’état). The government did not support this path. The other projects were initiated by right-wing conservatives (L.A. Tikhomirov, K.N. Paskhalov, prince V.P. Meshchersky). Right-wing conservatives proposed turning the Duma into a legislative institution. This completely changed the political configuration and eliminated the “The Third of June” system. Both nationalist and right-wing projects were rejected by the government, albeit for different reasons: either due to their indeterminate character (nationalist projects) or due to their radicalism (right-wing projects). The ministers invariably considered the reorganization of the Duma more difficult than finding ways to cooperate with it.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 87-119
Author(s):  
N. Sal'kov

The “Geometry and Graphics” journal is celebrating its eight-year birthday in 2020. It was set up in 2012. From the moment of its set up until 2016, it was the first period of the journal's life, when pedagogical papers were published three times more than the geometrical ones. In 2016 the journal was put in the list of the State Commission for Academic Degrees and Titles in specialties 05.01.01 and 13.08.00. It was the second period in the journal's life. The number of scientific and pedagogical papers have become approximately equal, which indicates a more careful selection of papers for publication in the journal, as well as introduction the apparatus for independent peer review sorting out papers not falling outside the level of the State Commission for Academic Degrees and Titles’ journal. In 2018 the specialty 13.08.00 was removed, only Engineering Geometry and Computer Graphics remained – the third period in the journal's life began, which was characterized by a sharp fall in the number of pedagogical papers, and little wonder. This trend has been demonstrated in the present paper. As a result, if in the first period pedagogical papers in the journal were equal to 3/4 of papers’ total number, in the third period pedagogical papers number had become only 1/4, that is, had decreased by 3 times. From 2019 (No. 4) Pedagogy has returned to the journal – the fourth period has started. Now in the journal there were two specialties again. When the pedagogical direction was again included in the list, the situation related to publication of pedagogical papers in the journal improved, and on the example of three recently published journal numbers, we can say that they began to publish in the journal technical and pedagogical papers in equal measure. This paper aims to show to the reader the scope of pedagogical issues in papers published in the journal and related to geometric education.


1940 ◽  
Vol 33 (6) ◽  
pp. 262-269
Author(s):  
Walter J. Bruns

It Is one of the most difficult tasks in teaching elementary mathematics in high schools to be both, understandable and correct. Most textbook authors know how to write simply and so to speak popularly, but, on the other hand, there is no doubt that many of them fall short of perfect scientific correctness. It would be ridiculous to try putting in school classes such modern scientific methods as, for example, the formal introduction of real fractions as couples of integral numbers, negative numbers as couples of positive numbers, imaginary numbers as couples of real numbers. However, we are often forced as teachers to meet a mathematical situation where we have to pay attention to two points: first, no conclusion must be gained surreptitously or by tricks, and secondly, when some of the steps within a statement are too difficult to be understood by young people the gaps must not be concealed but, on the contrary, pointed out to the students with the explanation that it is possible to accomplish the proof although we may not do so for the moment.


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 866-867
Author(s):  
Robert Fatton

Political Legitimacy in Middle Africa is an insightful, refreshing, and original book that refines and expands our understanding of the so-called “politics of the belly.” A phrase made famous by Jean Francois Bayart (The State in Africa: The Politics of the Belly, 1993), the politics of the belly is the phenomenon of “eating” the fruits of power. The extent to which officeholders monopolize or share these fruits with the larger community has, however, significant consequences for their legitimacy. As Michael Schatzberg suggests, a “moral matrix of legitimate governance” (p. 35) embedded in familial and paternal metaphors shapes these belly politics. In turn, he argues that the moral matrix is rooted in four major premises. The first and second are related to the image of the ruler as a “fatherchief,” who has the obligation, on the one hand, to nurture and nourish his “family,” and on the other hand, to punish his “children” when necessary and pardon them when they truly repent. The third premise concerns the status of women in society; while they are not considered equal to men, rulers should, nonetheless, respect their role as “counselors and advisers.” The fourth premise “holds that permanent power is illegitimate and that political fathers…have to let their children grow up, mature, take on ever-increasing responsibilities in the conduct of their own affairs, and eventually succeed them in power” (p. 192).


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