scholarly journals TRUST, FRIENDS, AND INVESTMENT IN LATE VICTORIAN ENGLAND

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
JAMES TAYLOR
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Significant Extent ◽  
Complex Interplay ◽  
Victorian England ◽  
Personal Relations ◽  
The Press ◽  
Rational Calculation ◽  
History Of

Abstract Why people trust is a question that has preoccupied scholars across many disciplines. Historical explorations of trust abound, but we know relatively little about the workings of trust in the history of investment. Despite becoming increasingly mediated and institutionalized in the nineteenth century, the market for stocks and shares remained local and embedded in personal relations to a significant extent. This created a complex trust environment in which old and new forms of trust co-existed. Investors sought information from the press, but they also relied upon friends to help them navigate the market. Rather than studying trust in the aggregate, this article argues that focusing on the particular allows us to appreciate trust as an emotional and ultimately imaginative process depending as much on affective stories as rational calculation. To this end, it takes the case of a Bath clergyman and workhouse schools inspector, James Clutterbuck, who solicited investments from a wide network of friends and colleagues in the 1880s and 1890s. By capturing the complex interplay of friendship, emotions, and narrative in the formation of trust, the article offers a window onto everyday financial life in late Victorian provincial England.

scholarly journals The Materiality of English Suicide Letters, c. 1700 – c. 1850

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Ella Sbaraini
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Emotional Distress ◽  
History Of Emotions ◽  
Social Lives ◽  
Writing Practices ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
Insight Into

Abstract Scholars have explored eighteenth-century suicide letters from a literary perspective, examining issues of performativity and reception. However, it is fruitful to see these letters as material as well as textual objects, which were utterly embedded in people's social lives. Using thirty manuscript letters, in conjunction with other sources, this article explores the contexts in which suicide letters were written and left for others. It looks at how authors used space and other materials to convey meaning, and argues that these letters were epistolary documents usually meant for specific, known persons, rather than the press. Generally written by members of the ‘lower orders’, these letters also provide insight into the emotional writing practices of the poor, and their experiences of emotional distress. Overall, this article proposes that these neglected documents should be used to investigate the emotional and material contexts for eighteenth- and nineteenth-century suicide. It also argues that, at a time when the history of emotions has reached considerable prominence, historians must be more attentive to the experiences of the suicidal.

Officers’ contributions to Britain’s anti-slavery culture

2019 ◽  
pp. 167-190
Author(s):  
Mary Wills
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Cultural History ◽  
Slave Trade ◽  
West African ◽  
Royal Navy ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
Naval Officers

This chapter examines officers’ contributions to the metropolitan discourses about slavery and abolition taking place in Britain in the early to mid-nineteenth century. Furthering the theme of naval officers playing an important part in the social and cultural history of the West African campaign, it uncovers connections between the Royal Navy and domestic anti-slavery networks, and the extent to which abolitionist societies and interest groups operating in Britain during the first half of the nineteenth century forged relationships with naval officers in the field. Officers contributed to this ever-evolving anti-slavery culture: through support of societies and by providing key testimonies and evidence about the unrelenting transatlantic slave trade. Their representations of the slave trade were used to champion the abolitionist cause, as well as the role of the Royal Navy, in parliament, the press and other public arenas.

Parties and Issues in Early Victorian England

1966 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
William O. Aydelotte
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Other ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Victorian England ◽  
Parliamentary Reform ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Oratory

It has never been established how far, in the early Victorian House of Commons, voting on issues followed party lines. It might in general seem plausible to assume — what political oratory generally contrives to suggest — that there are ideological disagreements between parties and that it makes a difference which of two major opposing parties is in control of the Government. This is, indeed, the line taken by some students of politics. A number of historians and political observers have, however, inclined to the contrary opinion and have, for various reasons, tended to play down the role of issues in party disputes. Much of what has been written on political history and, in particular, on the history of Parliament has had a distinct anti-ideological flavor.One line of argument is that issues on which disagreement exists are not always party questions. Robert Trelford McKenzie begins his study of British parties by pointing out that Parliament just before 1830 was “divided on a great issue of principle, namely Catholic emancipation,” and just after 1830, on another, parliamentary reform. He continues: “But on neither issue was there a clear division along strict party lines.” The distinguished administration of Sir Robert Peel in the 1840s was based, according to Norman Gash, on a party “deeply divided both on policy and personalities.” The other side of the House at that time is usually thought to have been even more disunited. It has even been suggested that, in the confused politics of the mid-nineteenth century, the wordsconservativeandradicaleach meant so many different things that they cannot be defined in terms of programs and objectives and that these polarities may more usefully be considered in terms of tempers and approaches.

scholarly journals On Eminescu’s philosophy of history: towards an English anthology of relevant texts

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 241-258
Author(s):  
Catalin Pavel
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Philosophy Of History ◽  
Complex Interplay ◽  
History Of ◽  
Academic Philosophy ◽  
Per Se ◽  
First Time ◽  
Selection Of ◽  
Historical Thought

The present paper aims to offer Anglophone researchers a selection of translated quotes from Mihai Eminescu’s non-literary oeuvre, relevant to the philosophy of history of the most complex Romanian author of the nineteenth century. It should thus become possible to reconsider Eminescu’s position within the concert of European philosophers of history. The fragments gathered here stem mainly from his activity as a cultural and political journalist, throughout which he voiced, albeit unsystematically, his views on history. Although he did not ultimately articulate an academic philosophy of history per se, these fragments, now available in English for the first time, may give valuable insights into Eminescu’s conception of history. Above all else, they meaningfully complement whatever can be gleaned from Eminescu’s already translated poetry or literary prose. Hopefully the fragments presented here will aid scholars in establishing more precisely what Eminescu’s views on history owe to Schopenhauer’s metaphysics and what to the proper philosophy of history he could find in Hegel. This is a double allegiance scholars have also recognized in Maiorescu’s work. By the same token, it would further be important to chart Eminescu’s ambivalence towards Hegel, an ambivalence also visible in the works of Romanian philosopher Vasile Conta. Finally, the fragments below may help to bring to the fore the complex interplay between Hegelian theodicy and Kantian teleology in Eminescu’s historical thought.

scholarly journals The Politics of Urban Leaseholds in Late Victorian England

1961 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 413-430 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. A. Reeder
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Rate Of Return ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Victorian England ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Profit Margins ◽  
Long Period ◽  
The Great Depression ◽  
The Press ◽  
Land Question

The prestige of the landlord class, which had stood so high in the long period of prosperity of the mid-Victorian years, fell to its lowest point in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. From the early 1880's landowners were attacked by politicians and land reformers in Parliament, in the Press and in a welter of literature on various aspects of the land question. At the same time there was a revival in the membership and activities of land organisations many of which had been started in the land agitation of the early 1870's only to go down before the onset of the Great Depression. The main cause of the widespread feelings of hostility towards landowners was economic: the instability of trade and employment and the effects of falling profit margins on the outlook and standards of expenditure of businessmen. The conflict of economic interests between landlords, businessmen and workers was expressed in the language of class war. Radicals of the Liberal Party took advantage of the increased support given to them by the business and professional classes to renew their campaign against the landowning aristocracy. They carped at the wealth of landowners and pointed to the burden of rents and royalties which lay on the enterprise of farmers and mineowners. They contrasted the relatively fixed incomes of landowners with the falling rate of return on industrial investments. Turning away from moderate reforms designed to improve the transfer and development of estates, they pronounced that the chief burden on the land was not the law but the landlord himself.

Scandal in Somers town: conspiracism and Catholic schools in early Victorian England

2021 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 415-439
Author(s):  
Aidan Cottrell-Boyce
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Catholic Schools ◽  
Urban Population ◽  
Conspiracy Theory ◽  
Small School ◽  
Charitable Organizations ◽  
Victorian England ◽  
Victorian Era ◽  
The Poor ◽  
History Of

The middle years of the nineteenth century are notable in the history of Catholicism in England for the development of the ‘papal aggression’ crisis. Catholic emancipation had been met with suspicion by Protestant groups and this suspicion grew into violent antipathy with the publication by Nicholas Wiseman of ‘Ex Porta Flaminia.’ At the same time that this crisis was emerging, Catholic charitable organizations were also attempting to garner support from the state for the building of Catholic schools. With a boom in the poor, urban population, fuelled by the arrival of Irish refugees, this assistance was urgently required. In the midst of this a small school in the heart of London became the focus of a cause célèbre. The belief that this school had been funded by lucre, defrauded from dying and vulnerable members of the Somers Town community by simonist priests, provided the source of a widespread conspiracy theory. The result of this conspiracy theory was a lawsuit, brought in 1851 by the relatives of a deceased benefactor of the school, against the newly enthroned Cardinal Wiseman. Metairie vs. Wiseman became one of the most celebrated and cited cases of the early Victorian era.

scholarly journals Professores, redatores e políticos: o lugar de Justiniano de Mello e Silva na imprensa periódica oitocentista

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 102
Author(s):  
Bárbara Da Silva Santos ◽  
Cristiano De Jesus Ferronato
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Survey Method ◽  
Education History ◽  
Periodical Press ◽  
Educational Models ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Research In Education ◽  
Keywords Education

As pesquisas que refletem sobre os modelos educacionais abordados nos jornais do século XIX contribuem para a construção da História da Educação, pois elas contêm aspectos educacionais que nos permitem entender o contexto atual nesse campo. Nesse ínterim, o presente artigo busca refletir acerca dos agentes participantes dos jornais, destacando Justiniano de Mello e Silva, bem como apresentar a contribuição da imprensa periódica nesse período para as pesquisas em História da Educação. Homens de letras, os redatores da imprensa do século XIX, ao disporem de certo domínio com as palavras, redigiram textos que ultrapassaram a temática da política. Esta pesquisa está inserida no campo referido e, para alcançarmos o objetivo, empregamos o método de levantamento e análise de fontes documentais e bibliográficas, as quais consistiram no jornal “Sete de Março” e em trabalhos que pesquisam sobre redatores, imprensa e educação. Esta metodologia consiste na organização dos documentos a fim de elaborar um mapeamento dos conteúdos.Teachers, writers and politicians: the place of Justiniano de Mello e Silva in the periodical press of the nineteenth century. The studies that reflect on the educational models covered in the newspapers of the nineteenth century contribue to the construction of the History of Education, for in them context of this field. However, this article aims to reflect on those participating in the newspapers that highlight Justiniano de Mello e Silva, as well as presenting the contribution of the periodical press of this period for research in, Education History. Men of letters, the writers of the press of the nineteenth century, had dominion with the words, they wrote texts that exceeded the subject of politics. This research is inserted in this field, and to achieve the goal, we use the survey method and analysis of documentary and bibliographic sources, which consisted of the newspaper "Seven March" and work researching writers, media and education. This methodology consists in the organization of the documents, in order to prepare a mapping of content. Keywords: Education; Press; Journal Sete de Março; Writers; Sociability.

Advertising and the Press in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries: James Perry and the Morning Chronicle 1790–1821

1975 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 703-724 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivon Asquith
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Rapid Expansion ◽  
Daily Newspaper ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Classical Liberal ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
The Press ◽  
Late Eighteenth ◽  
History Of ◽  
Capital Value

The thirty years during which James Perry owned and edited the Morning Chronicle, the leading Whig daily newspaper, were marked by important developments in the history of the press. In the early nineteenth century there was a notable growth in the spirit of political independence among newspaper proprietors, and they developed the classical liberal roles of the press: die impartial dissemination of news and the expression of public opinion. Professional editors and reporters came to replace the old all-rounders like William Woodfall who had combined the tasks of printing, editing and reporting; and individual proprietors supplanted the unenterprising ownership of syndicates. There was a rapid expansion in the number of daily evening and of Sunday papers and, though the number of daily morning papers remained fairly stable, dieir circulation increased steadily after about 1800. A well-conducted newspaper could serve, not simply as a side-product of a printer's or bookseller's business, or as an advertising medium for its proprietors' interests, but as a lucrative business venture in its own right. There was an extraordinary rise in the capital value of successful newspapers: the Morning Chronicle and the Morning Post, which were bought for a few hundred pounds each in die 1790s, were sold for £42,000 and £25,000 respectively in the early nineteenth century. Despite the heavy weight of taxation, which was successfully designed to restrict the sale of newspapers, proprietors were able to prosper thanks to die increasing profits diey made on advertisements. It has now been possible to calculate, from the ledgers of die Public Advertiser and Gazetteer, and from the office copies of the Morning Chronicle, some part of a newspaper's profits from advertising in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.

Methodist Domesticity and Middle-Class Masculinity in Nineteenth-Century England

1998 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 323-345 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Tosh
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Driving Force ◽  
Women's History ◽  
Victorian England ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Family ◽  
History Of ◽  
Dominant Influence ◽  
Women’S History

The history of the family, at least for the nineteenth century, has reached a certain maturity. Though not yet incorporated into mainstream history – that would be too much to expect – it now boasts a considerable specialist literature and some useful general surveys. Undoubtedly the driving force has been the aspiration of women’s history to reconstruct the lives of women in the past. Now that the personal records of women are being studied with such attention, there is a wealth of insights into their experience as daughters, wives, and widows. Jeanne Peterson’s account of the Paget family and their circle in Victorian England is a typical example. For the nineteenth-century women’s historian, there is the added bonus that this was the period when the claims of women to have the dominant influence in the family were taken most seriously – as witness the persistent appeal of the Angel Mother. Hence to research the history of the Victorian family promises results which will feature women as agents, and not merely as victims of patriarchal oppression.

What's Not in On Liberty: The Pacific Theory of Freedom of Discussion in the Early Nineteenth Century

2016 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory Conti
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
History Of Political Thought ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Press ◽  
Economic Markets ◽  
History Of ◽  
Liberal Thought ◽  
Number Of Authors

AbstractIt is often assumed that John Stuart Mill's On Liberty (1859) is representative of the major lines of thought on the freedoms of discussion and the press in the period. In fact, however, Mill's treatise was selective about the kinds of reasons it admitted in support of these liberties. This essay depicts one set of arguments that Mill omitted and that has subsequently been overlooked in the history of political thought. An important element of liberal thought in early nineteenth-century Britain was that the liberty of the press made indispensable contributions to domestic peace and stability. These pacific arguments were elaborated in a wide variety of forms by a number of authors. More specifically, the view that unrestricted liberty of discussion was necessary for peace and political stability drew on an older tradition of thinking about religious toleration as well as newer ideas about the functioning of economic markets and the place of public opinion in the politics of modern societies. In the hands of its proponents, the view assumed psychological, historical, sociological, or metaphysical dimensions. Even though prominent thinkers, including his own father, were associated with this pacific outlook on the liberty of the press, John Stuart Mill rejected it both as an empirically dubious proposition and as an insufficient moral basis on which to build an enduring commitment to open public discussion.

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